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MARIE DE MEDICIS. 
From a painting bjf Peter Paul Rubens, in the Louvre. 



THE REGENCY 



OF 



MARIE DE MEDICIS 



A Study of French History from 1610 to 1616 



By 

ARTHUR POWER LORD, Ph. D. 



With Five Portraits 




NEW YORK 
HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 

1903 



THE LIBRARY OF 
CONG.RESS. 


Two Copies 


Received I 


OCT 1 


1903 


Copyright 


Entry f 


cuss *- 


XXe. No 


Lif? 


6" b 


COPY 


B. 



Copyright, 1902, 

BY 

Arthur Power Lord 



THE MHRSHON COMPANY PRESS 
RAHWAV, N. J. 









,y 



PREFACE 

The withdrawal of the Due de Sully from 
affairs some months after the death of Henry 
IV. has always seemed to me a subject inviting 
more attention and research than has been given 
it in these days. It was a momentous step for 
him to take, and fraught with the most far- 
reaching results for France. 

I have considered his position for a long time, 
and have tried, by the aid of all the side-lights 
possible, chiefly the works of the late Professor 
Berthold Zeller, under whose eye I laboured, to 
bring before my readers what the real situation 
was ; why and how the all-powerful Sully became 
gradually stripped of his power until he was 
compelled to resign early in the year 1611. 

I have tried to point out the consummate skill 
for intrigue which Marie de Medicis possessed, 
and how she turned to account quarrels which 
seemed of no significance. I have tried to deal 
succinctly with such characters as the Prince de 



IV 



Preface 



Conde, the Due de Bouillon, the Marechal 
d'Ancre, the Comte de Soissons, and the minis- 
ter de Villeroy. It has been my object to place 
them as nearly as possible in the relations which 
they seem to have occupied towards the Regent. 
I have tried to show how the struggle between 
the Queen and Conde resulted in the shifting of 
the power into the hands of a ministry appointed 
by the Florentine Concino Concini. Finally, I 
have attempted to give a clear account of the 
death of the Marechal d'Ancre. 

If my task has been successful, and if this 
book has any degree of merit, it is, in a large 
measure, owing to the advice and counsel of such 
scholars as Professor Berthold Zeller of the Uni- 
versity of Paris, and Professors George B. 
Adams, Oliver H. Richardson, and William L} r on 
Phelps of Yale, to each and all of whom I wish 
to return thanks. Arthur Power Lord. 

New Haven, 
June 23, 1903. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I 

May to October, 1610— Preparations for war 
against Spain— Secrecy of the King's plans— 
His reasons for appointing a Regent— The cab- 
inet—The Due de Sully— Murder of Henry IV. 
—Its consequences— Eise of the Catholic party 
—Antagonism between it and Sully— The secret 
council— Plan for Sully's removal— Arrival 
of the Prince de Conde— Plot of the Feudal 
party against the Regency— The Queen's Span- 
ish policy— Agreement for the double mar- 
riage—Disavowal of the Feudal party by Philip 
III.— Arrival of the Due de Feria, 



CHAPTER II 

October, 1610, to March, 1611— The coronation 
—Disposition of Conde towards the Regency — 
Understanding between the Bourbon Princes 
—Favour of the House of Guise— The Queen's 
need of their support— Isolation of Sully— 
Quarrel between Bellegarde and Concini— Agree- 
ment between Soissons and the ministers— Quarrel 
between the Bourbons and the Guises— Sully's 



vi Contents 



mistake in siding against the Princes — Prob- 
ability that his dismissal was the pivot upon 
which the settlement of the dispute turned — 
Bribes offered to Conde — Sully's impressions— 
His resolution to make a supreme test — His 
quarrel with Villeroy — His dismissal— Success of 
the- Queen's schemes— Satisfaction at Madrid, . 16 



CHAPTER III 

March, 1611, to November, 1612— Henry IV. 's treat- 
ment of the Huguenots— Their distrust of the 
Eegent— Demand for an assembly — Strained re- 
lations between the parties — Sully's influence — 
Scheme of the ministers to divide the Huguenots 
— Influence of the Due de Bouillon — Election of 
Duplessis-Mornay — Assembly of Saumur — Act of 
Union — Championship of Sully's cause — Demands 
of the Protestants — The Queen's policy — The 
dissolution of the Assembly — Disillusionment of 
the Due de Bouillon — His influence on Conde 
— Story of La Descomans — Coolness between 
the Queen and the Guises — Rise of Concini's in- 
fluence — The proposal of marriage between his 
family and that of Soissons — Influence of the cab- 
inet—Its antagonism to Concini — Alliance be- 
tween Cond6 and Soissons at Fontainebleau — 
Publication of the Spanish marriages — Anger of 
the Princes— Negotiations— Plot of the Feudal 
party against the ministers — Quarrel between 
the Queen and the Guises — The Moisset case 
—Anger of the Guises, 34 



Contents vii 



CHAPTER IV 

November, 1612, to November, 1613— Death of the 
Comte de Soissons— Murder of the Baron de 
Luz— Eeasons for this act— Anger of the Queen 
— Preponderant influence of Conde— His exac- 
tions—Revulsion of the Regent's sentiments- 
Rehabilitation of the Guises— Reinstatement of 
the ministers— Surprise of Conde— He leaves the 
court— The Villeroy-Concini marriage— Coldness 
between Villeroy and Sillery— Villeroy's disposi- 
tion in regard to the marriage — His influence 
against Concini— The Maignat case— Its settle- 
ment—Disillusionment of Villeroy— The signature 
of the marriage contract — Surprise of the Feudal 
party— Resolution to try force, . . • .53 



CHAPTER V 

November, 1613, to October, 1614— Reckless be- 
haviour of the Queen— Death of de Fervaques — 
Appointment of Concini to his office — The Marshal 
d'Ancre— Anger of Cond6— Further extrava- 
gance of Marie de Medicis— The revolt— Negotia- 
tions— Seizure of Mezieres —Conde's manifesto 
— Struggle between Villeroy and Sillery— The 
Due de Rohan— Negotiations— Death of Mont- 
morency— Influence on the Due de Bouillon- 
Treaty of St. Menehould— Conde's attempt on 
Poictiers— His Failure— Louis XIII.'s expedition 



viii Contents 



to Poictiers — His popularity — Eesults of the 
journey — Surrender of Conde — The election — In- 
fluence of Concini — His party — Influence of 
Barbin and Eichelieu — Resolve to change the 
ministry, 67 



CHAPTER VI 

October, 1614, to February, 1615— Diplomatic 
victory for the Queen over Conde — Proclamation 
of the Estates General — The King's majority — 
The Prince de Conde — Opening ceremonies of the 
Assembly — Jealousy of the Nobles for the Third 
Estate — La Paulette— Quarrel between the privi- 
leged orders of the lower house — Conde's new 
role — The Gallican party — Its quarrel with the 
Clergy— Influence of Conde against the Nobles — 
Settlement of the dispute — Insults to the Parlia- 
ment — The financial system — Quarrel between 
the deputies and the court — The Queen appears 
to yield — Appointment of commissioners — Com- 
edy of auditing the accounts — Desire of the 
ministers to finish the Assembly — Orders from 
the King — Effect of the Estates upon the deputies 
— Closing Scenes, 83 



CHAPTER VII 

March, 1615, to June, 1616— Popularity of Conde— 
Ee-establishment of "la Paulette "—The Queen 
and the Parliament— Its alliance with Conde— 



Contents ix 

Declaration of its position — Conde leaves for St. 
Maur — Quarrel between the Queen and the Galli- 
cans — Approaching realisation of the King's mar- 
riage — Villeroy's change of attitude — Ultimatum 
to the Prince, and his reply — Arrest of le Jay 
and departure of the court for Bordeaux — Rup- 
ture between the Marquis d'Ancre and the Chan- 
cellor — Agreement between the Assembly of 
Nimes and Conde — Arrival of the King at Bor- 
deaux — The marriages — Peace negotiations — 
Conde aspires to the Eegency — His demands — In- 
terviews between the Queen and Villeroy — Signa- 
ture of the Treaty of Loudun — Fall of the 
old ministers 105 

CHAPTER VIII 

June to September, 1616 — Delay of the Prince in re- 
turning to Paris — The Queen's desire to have 
him come back — Richelieu's mission — Conde's 
decision — His interview with Sully — His arrival 
— Arrogance of Concini — Barbin and the Prince 
— Plot against the Marshal d'Ancre — Arrival of 
the English Ambassador — Conde's power — Desire 
of the Princes to kill Concini — Conde advises him 
to leave Paris — Seizure of Peronne — Anger of 
the Queen — Influence of Richelieu — Interview 
between the Regent and Sully — Resolution to 
arrest Conde— The coup d'etat, . . . .128 



CHAPTER IX 

September, 1616, to April, 1617— The Feudal party 
leave the Court — Negotiations — Revolt of Nevers 



x Contents 

— Resignation of Du Vair — Appointment of Riche- 
lieu—Energetic measures of the Cabinet — Albert 
de Luynes— His influence on the King — Arrogance 
of Concini — His imprudence — His presentiment 
of death — His recklessness — Luynes' duplicity — 
Concini's ambition to become Constable — He raises 
troops — His letter to the King — Louis' anger — 
He is persuaded that a plot exists against his life 
— His resolve to kill Concini — The plot — The 
murder — The end of the Regency, . . .141 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



PAGE 



Marie de Medecis, . . . Frontispiece 

Maximilien de Bethune, Due de Sully, . . 34 

Louis de Bourbon, Comte de Soissons, . . 54 

Hector d'Orleans, Due de Longueville, . . 80 

Concino Concini, Marechal d'Ancre, . . 142 



THE REGENCY 

OF 

MARIE DE MEDICIS 



CHAPTER I 

May to October, 1610— Preparations for war against 
Spain— Secrecy of the King's plans— His reasons for 
appointing a Regent— The cabinet— The Due de Sully 
—Murder of Henry IV.— Its consequences— Rise of 
the Catholic party— Antagonism between it and Sully 
—The secret council— Plan for Sully's removal- 
Arrival of the Prince de Conde— Plot of the Feudal 
party against the Regency— The Queen's Spanish pol- 
icy — Agreement for the double marriage— Disavowal 
of the Feudal party by Philip HI.— Arrival of the Due 
de Feria. 

France had rested since 1595. The Paris of 
the League had become the city of Henry IV. 
Art and commerce prospered, and there seemed 
to be no cloud in the serene political atmosphere. 

Suddenly,in the spring of 1610, soldiers began 



2 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

to pour into the town in ever-increasing num- 
bers. Tents began to whiten the green hills; 
the clink of the armourers' hammers became in- 
cessant ; the forges glowed by day and by night, 
the lights helping to throw into relief strange 
figures of men, bearded and bronzed, who 
brought helmets and breastplates to the anvils. 
Long lines of creaking vans crawled slowly 
through the streets escorted by troops of horse- 
men, toiling slowly along towards the south. 
The Parisians stared open-mouthed. Gradually 
the army marched away, but when the last 
squadron had disappeared the burghers turned 
to each other. " What does it all mean ? 
Whither are the soldiers going, and for how 
long? Who is to be attacked? " they asked, but 
no one could give an exact answer to these 
queries, for Henry IV. had confided in only one 
person, his favourite minister, the Due de 
Sully. 

What eager looks followed the figure of the 
great Huguenot as he moved between the palace 
and the arsenal ! What questions were put to 
him by the courtiers who strove to pierce his 



Henry Chooses a Regent 3 

reserve ! But he was impenetrable, and his very 
reticence seemed to give a new impulse to the 
wild rumours of which the town was full. 

The excitement was intensified when the King 
announced his intention of appointing the Queen 
Marie de Medicis Regent, and of crowning her 
at St. Denis before his departure. This pre- 
caution made one thing unmistakable; France 
was about to begin a struggle to the death with 
some great power. 

From the modern standpoint the wisdom of 
the King's choice is open to discussion, but 
Henry could not hesitate; the Dauphin was a 
baby of six; disaffection reigned among the 
Princes of the Blood. One had fled from Paris 
and lived in exile; another was so infirm in his 
speech and so deaf that he passed for an imbe- 
cile. The third, Louis de Bourbon, Comte de 
Soissons, had retired to his estates in a rage be- 
cause his wife was forbidden to wear the lilies of 
France on her cloak at the Queen's coronation. 
The King was obliged to place the sceptre in a 
hand sufficiently strong to hold it, and he hoped 
that his wife would overcome her Italian sloth- 



4 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

fulness, calm her temper, and apply herself to 
mastering the science of government. 

He surrounded her with his ablest ministers. 
Villeroy, and his colleague, Brulart de Sillery, 
men broken to diplomacy by the experience of 
two reigns ; the president, Pierre Jeannin, one of 
the ablest councillors of the robe, whose parlia- 
mentary career fitted him exceptionally well for 
the position he was to hold, and the Due de Sully 
composed the cabinet. Undoubtedly the latter 
was the man upon whom the King relied most. 
He was Henry's other self. His great mind had 
raised France from the state of anaemia resulting 
from the religious wars to an enviable position 
in riches and power. He had devised the sys- 
tem of finance which had enabled the monarch 
to interfere in continental politics ; he had gained 
such an influence over the King that often his 
single word was a bulwark against his master's 
extravagance, and Henry could not see how it 
was possible for affairs to go wrong in his ab- 
sence, so long as his counterpart remained in 
Paris. Yet no one knew how close the monarch 
stood to the brink of the grave, nor how soon 



The Murder 



those plans which he had formed for the good 
of his kingdom would be annihilated by the 
rapacity of his subjects. On the 10th of May, 
1610, the blow fell. Towards the middle of the 
afternoon the King called his coach with the in- 
tention of driving to the arsenal; on the way 
the carriage halted in the rue de la Ferronnerie, 
and a fanatic, who had been watching Henry for 
days, seized the opportunity to spring upon the 
wheel and stab him to the heart. 

Much may be seen in this act of regicide. It 
was not merely a murder committed by a private 
individual, it was not an act of revenge or per- 
sonal malice, but the expression of a feeling 
which lay like a weight upon the hearts of the 
common people. The King's policy was ahead 
of his time, and he had made no calculation for 
the fanaticism of the men who but yesterday 
marched under the banners of the League. The 
treaty of Brussol shows us that Henry's object 
was to attack Spain,* but in 1610 his intentions 
were almost unknown, and the populace was pro- 

* See Du Mont., Corps Uhiversel Diplomatique du Droit 
des Gens, I. p. 85. 



6 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

foundly agitated. Rumours were rife that war 
was to be declared upon the Pope, and Ravaillac 
confessed that he had been impelled to kill the 
King owing to this very idea.* His act marks 
the -end of a period as distinctly as if the stroke 
of the knife had been a point of punctua- 
tion which closed a chapter in France's history, 
and its consequences reached farther than the 
keenest mind could foresee. 

The Queen was to be a ruler, not a puppet, 
and henceforth her personal equation became the 
prime factor of the situation. France ceased 
to be a united power. The rule of the strong 
man gave way to the weak administration of a 
woman whose support lay in a party. Two fac- 
tions, based upon religious prejudices, imme- 
diately sprang into activity. Sully and the 
Regent became antagonists instead of allies. 

Two men of action, the Due d'Epernon and 
the Due de Guise, whose father Henry III. 
murdered at Blois, seized the opportunity to be- 
come the Queen's advisers. They posted guards 

* Mercure Frangois ou suite de l'kistoire de la Paix, I. pp. 
442-443. 



Sully's Mistake 



about Paris, harangued the Parliament, and 
took all the measures necessary for establishing 
the Regency.* Sully in his arsenal heard the 
rumour of what was going on, but at the time 
when he should have been all firmness and de- 
cision he was torn with doubts and fears; when 
he finally mounted his horse to go to the Louvre 
the golden opportunity had gone. In the rue 
St. Antoine he met Bassompierre, who was post- 
ing the guard; checking his tears as best he 
could, he begged the Count to swear fealty to 
Louis XIII. , out of his love for the child's father, 
if not for the lad's own sake. " Sir," answered 
Bassompierre coldly, " we are administering 
that oath to others and will do our duty without 
being urged." f 

" We are administering that oath to others." 

* A little less than three hours after the King's death Par- 
liament made the Queen Regent by a solemn decree, but 
the act had no precedent, so the next day Louis XIII. held 
a Lit de Justice to confirm the title which the court had 
given his mother. The Lit de Justice was the most solemn 
function which a monarch could perform. The King sit- 
ting in the midst of his Parliament, surrounded by all the 
dignitaries of France, registered his will as a law. 

f Bassompierre, Journal de ma vie, T. I. p. 277, ed. 
Chanterac. Paris, 1870. 



8 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

The words fell with an ominous sound on the 
Huguenot's ear, for they meant that the power 
had passed into other hands. The person whose 
presence had united all Frenchmen, and had ob- 
literated party distinctions, was gone, and men 
had once more become Catholics and Protestants, 
Guisards and Bourbons. Turning his horse he 
retreated to the Bastille, which he proceeded to 
provision for a siege. All the bread in the quar- 
ter was seized and a courier went galloping off 
to the Due de Rohan with an order to bring his 
regiment of Swiss mercenaries to the capital.* 

If Sully expected the Catholic party to at- 
tack him by force he had mistaken the character 
of the Regent. Marie de Medicis preferred in- 
trigue to strength, and the Duke might have 
spared himself several nights of anxiety as he 
watched from the battlements of his fortress. 
The assault was to be delivered in the cabinet, 
not in the field. What could have been more 
logical than for the Catholics to rid themselves 
of Sully, the one discordant element in their 
midst ? They left him his seat at the council for 
* BassompUrre, pp. 277-278. 



Catholic Influence 



a time, but gradually affairs were discussed more 
and more in a third or inner council from which 
the Comptroller of the Currency was excluded.* 

This the historian L'Estoile calls " le conseil 
du petit escritoire," and comprised the Papal 
Nuncio, the Spanish Ambassador, the Due 
d'Epernon, Villeroy, the Chevalier Sillery and 
his brother the Chancellor, the President Jean- 
nin, Arnault and Dole, members of the financial 
administration, Duret the Queen's physician, the 
confessor Cotton, and last, but most important, 
Concino Concini, and his wife Leonora Galigai'. 

Leonora was the Regent's foster-sister, and 
had come from Florence with her. Concino had 
also made his appearance in the train of the new 
Queen. This handsome and unscrupulous Flor- 
entine paid court to Leonora, who, small and de- 
formed, was flattered and finally won by Concini. 
Owing to the influence which his wife possessed, 
his advancement was rapid. The Concinis had 
often been the witnesses of the furious quarrels 
which the late King had had with his wife about 

* Rohan Memoires, ed. Michaud et Poujoulat, 2me seiie, 
V. p. 493. 



io Regency of Marie de Me"dicis 

his mistresses. When Henry wished to make 
peace he approached Leonora, and she, whose 
one desire in life was money, would often pre- 
cipitate these scenes, hoping that the negotia- 
tions for reconciliation might bring her rich re- 
wards. 

The King saw their influence upon his wife, 
and hated the couple intensely. He threatened 
to send the Queen and her confidants back to 
Florence, and no one knows what the result 
might have been had not Ravaillac settled it. 
After the catastrophe Concino's fortune in- 
creased by leaps and bounds. Leonora held the 
Queen's attention at all times, and there seemed 
to be no limit to Marie de Medicis' liberality. 

The only logical aim of the inner council was 
to commit the Queen to a policy so ultra-Cath- 
olic that Sully should be forced to retire from 
the court. Their first move was to stop recruit- 
ing for the army, which lay at the foot of the 
Alps waiting the signal to burst into Italy. 
Then the Papal Nuncio filed a protest against 
sending help to the Protestant Princes who were 
besieging Juliers, but it was a little too soon 



Condi's Opportunity n 

after Henry's death to knock the foundations 
out from under his political structure, and the 
attempt failed.* Neither the Queen nor Ville- 
roy, who had assumed all authority in the coun- 
cil, was ready to break absolutely with the tra- 
ditions of the last reign, for the Prince de Conde 
had not yet returned to court. 

This Prince, who had gone into voluntary ex- 
ile in order to remove his wife from the atten- 
tions of Henry IV., was a factor in the situa- 
tion which could not be overlooked. If he came 
back well disposed towards the Regency, all 
might be well. If, on the other hand, he should 
return with the idea of opposing the govern- 
ment he might either become the chief of the 
Huguenots or assume the leadership of the 
Princes, who, already dissatisfied, were only kept 
in subjection by immense sacrifices.! Villeroy 
preferred that Conde should return and find 
nothing irrevocably decided, that Sully should 

* Mercure Francois, T. I. p. 523. 

f Conti and Soissons had applied for the government of 
Normandy. Their request was refused, though the prov- 
ince was finally given to Soissons ; he also received im- 
mense sums of money. 



1 2 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

still appear to be in office, and that he — Villeroy 
— should have a chance to win the Prince by 
bribes and fair words. 

Conde arrived in Paris on the 16th of July. 
He was well received, but the Queen's kind- 
ness seems to have inspired him with con- 
tempt. He judged that the Regent needed his 
friendship, and was willing to buy it rather than 
have him for an enemy. He accepted the gifts 
which were showered upon him, and became the 
chief of her opponents. 

A league was formed which comprised most 
of the great nobles of the Kingdom. This party 
resolved not to endure the Regency, and in- 
tended to insist upon summoning the Estates 
General ; they hoped to gain the people and the 
clergy by putting forward the reduction of 
taxes, and the immunities of the Church. In the 
interest of this coalition Conde interviewed the 
Comte de Bucquoy at Saint Maur, one of his 
country seats, asking him to sound Spinola and 
ascertain what he might expect in case of a 
rupture.* 
* Bucquoy, July 27, 1610. Archives of Brussels, cited by 



The Double Marriage 13 

It is reasonable to infer that the King of 
Spain warned the French cabinet about the pro- 
posed rebellion, for the policy of the govern- 
ment, which had as yet assumed no definite 
shape, suddenly became entirely Spanish. The 
Regent listened to the propositions which had 
been made to her husband by Matteo Botti, the 
Florentine Ambassador, concerning a double 
marriage between the heirs of France and Spain. 
Henry had spurned the proposal, but the Queen 
had no antipathy against the house from which 
she was descended on her mother's side, and she 
rejoiced because the glorious task of assuring 
the peace of Europe by a marriage between the 
two crowns had fallen to her.* The Convention 
of Brussol, which the dead King had made with 
the Due de Savoie, was absolutely disregarded. 
France offered Charles Emmanuel an empty 
mediation, proposing at the same time, with 



Rarike, Fransosiche Geschichte : French trans, by J. J. 
Porchat, III. pp. 5-6. Don Inigo de Cardenas to the 
Council of State, August 10, 1610, cited by F. T. Perrens in 
Les Mariages Espagnols sous Henri IV. et la Regence de 
Marie de Medicis, p. 306. 
* Ranke, Fransosiche Geschichte, T. III. p. 15. 



14 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

monumental assurance, that the Prince Victor 
Amadeus, who was to have married Elisabeth of 
France, should wed a Florentine princess.* To 
remove the last shadow of suspicion from Ma- 
drid,' the army of Lesdiguieres, which had re- 
mained inactive since May, was disbanded. 

Philip III. could now afford to declare his 
policy with regard to the Feudal party and to 
reassure the French Queen; so, shortly before 
Louis XIII.'s coronation, which was fixed for 
October, Feria, the Spanish envoy, arrived in 
Paris. His very first act was to disavow Conde 
and his partisans. 

Freed from the fear that the Princes might 
receive help from Spain, Marie de Medicis gave 
full sway to her policy. The inner council had 
already suggested that, if she cared for the good 
will of the Pope, she could not maintain a Hu- 
guenot in the first office of the Kingdom.f Sully's 
removal was decided upon, but this was no easy 
task, for in his capacity of chief of the Hugue- 

* La Minorite de Louis XIII. , Marie de Medicis et Bully. 
B. Zeller, pp. 245-256. 
f Eohan Memoires, p. 493, ed. Michaud et Poujoulat. 



Villeroy's Plan 15 

nots, and of captain of the Bastille, he might 
have made a great deal of trouble for the gov- 
ernment. In order to ruin him it became neces- 
sary to isolate him. This was Villeroy's idea, 
and the Regent, relying implicitly upon his abil- 
ity, gave her consent. The old diplomat had set 
himself to solve a difficult problem; his enemy 
had made firm friends of the Due de Guise and 
the Prince de Conde.* Nothing daunted, to 
quote the energetic language of Cardinal de 
Richelieu, " he put the irons in the fire to bring 
about the removal of the Due de Sully." 

* Sully had paid the Duke an advance on his pension 
and had settled Conde's claim to the arrears due him since 
his flight. 



CHAPTER II 

October, 1610, to March, 1611 — The coronation — Dis- 
position of Conde" towards the Eegency — Understand- 
ing between the Bourbon Princes — Favour of the 
House of Guise — The Queen's need of their support — 
Isolation of Sully — Quarrel between Bellegarde and 
Ooncini — Agreement between Soissons and the min- 
isters — Quarrel between the Bourbons and the Guises 
— Sully's mistake in siding against the Princes — Prob- 
ability that his dismissal was the pivot upon which 
the settlement of the dispute turned — Bribes offered 
to Conde — Sully's impressions — His resolution to 
make a supreme test — His quarrel with Villeroy — 
His dismissal — Success of the Queen's schemes — Sat- 
isfaction at Madrid. 

The early days of October found the Regent 
and the court at Monceau, whither they had 
gone by easy stages from Paris. All the King's 
journeys were made to savour as much as pos- 
sible of the chase, and he arrived at the old resi- 
dence with his falcon on his wrist. A week later, 
on October 16, 1610, Louis entered Reims, in 
whose venerable cathedral he was to receive the 
crown of his ancestors. Nothing of especial 
note marked the coronation, except that the jeal- 
16 



Guise and Bourbon 17 

ousy of the Guises for the Bourbons found an 
opportunity of showing itself when the Order of 
the Holy Ghost was conferred upon the Prince 
de Conde. The Cardinal de Joyeuse, the patri- 
arch of his family, was likewise offered this dec- 
oration, but he excused himself, saying that in 
his quality of Prince of the Church he could not 
be second to a layman.* 

With this exception all parties appeared to 
have laid aside their differences to do honour to 
their young monarch. The Prince de Conde 
figured in the ceremony as the Due de Bour- 
gogne, the Prince de Conti took the part of the 
Due de Normandie, and the Comte de Soissons 
represented the Due d'Aquitaine. But as soon 
as the coronation was over it became evident 
that Conde was not likely to submit quietly to 
the rule of Marie de Medicis. 

Foiled by Philip III.'s categorical refusal to 
aid the Feudal party, he turned his attention to 
centralising the resistance of the nobles. The 
court had given him permission to visit his wife 

* Journal de Jean Heroard sur 1'enfance et la jeunesse de 
Louis XIII., ed. Soulie et Bartkelemy, II. 36-32. 



1 8 Regency of Marie de Me'dicis 

at Valery, and under cover of this specious ex- 
cuse he went to see the Due de Bouillon.* 

A visit to this personage was sufficient to 
arouse the viligance of the ministers; for his 
ability in the field rendered him a valuable addi- 
tion to the party ; his wisdom in council was 
recognised even by his foes ; his capacity for in- 
trigue was unsurpassed; while his influence with 
the Huguenots was greatly dreaded. Richelieu 
calls him " the genius of rebellion," and it is 
certain that Henry IV. feared him as much as 
any of his great nobles. Holding in his control 
one of the frontier cities of France, Bouillon 
felt that he might summon aid from outside at 
any time ; he had the opportunity of becoming a 
great leader, but was too frivolous and too grasp- 
ing to care to lead; he preferred advantages, 
money, offices, or governments. When there was 
nothing to gain by being against the party in 
power he was its most humble servant. 

The Duke showed the Prince that a united 
party had more chance of making head against 

* Histoire des Princes de Conde pendant le XVI. et le 
XVII. Siecle, Due d'Aumale, III, 11, Paris, 1885. 



Conference at Chantilly 19 

the Regent than he, single-handed. He advised 
him to come to an understanding with the Comte 
de Soissons, whom Conde had just beaten in a 
law suit. The Prince de Conti was not ap- 
proached. He was on bad terms with his brother 
owing to a dispute about the government of Nor- 
mandy, of which we shall speak later, and his 
wife, who belonged to the Guise faction, did all 
in her power to animate his resentment. 

The conference took place at Chantilly under 
the auspices of the Constable de Montmorency, 
whose son-in-law, the Comte d'Auvergne, was 
languishing in the Bastille for complicity in 
Biron's conspiracy, and in spite of Montmo- 
rency's efforts the Regent refused to release him. 
The old warrior's irritable temper was not im- 
proved by this treatment, and he was glad to do 
all he could to unite the Princes against the 
Queen. 

The coalition of the Bourbons assured the 
favour of the Guises. This family comprised the 
Duke and his brother the Chevalier, a young 
reckless blade whose sword was always ready to 
serve his party ; the Cardinal de Joyeuse and the 



20 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

old Due de Mayenne, Henry IV.'s quondam foe ; 
besides these formidable names the relatives and 
friends of the House of Lorraine numbered in 
their ranks the Dues d'Epernon, d'Elboeuf, and 
de Bellegarde. The traditional dislike of the 
Guise for the Bourbon was always sufficient 
reason for him to side with the Queen, if his 
rivals led the opposition. 

But Marie de Medicis needed support in a far 
more important matter than to show a bold front 
to the Princes. We have already said that Ville- 
roy and the Queen had resolved to remove 
Sully, and that, in order to ruin him, it was 
necessary to deprive him of allies, and to tie 
the hands of the Guises by some enormous fa- 
vour; as luck would have it, the occasion pre- 
sented itself almost as soon as it was desired. 

The widow of the Due de Montpensier, whom 
Guise wished to marry, was the last link in the 
chain by which the Regent intended to hold the 
allegiance of the family. The match was a 
genuine love affair, but unfortunately the Duke 
had had many, and among others he had won 
the Marquise de Verneuil, the accredited mistress 



Guise-Montpensier Marriage 21 

of the late King. To overcome her scruples a 
secret marriage contract was resorted to, and the 
lady threatened to produce this document and 
begin an action. Marie de Medicis was too good 
a politician to allow such a chance to pass. She 
condescended to plead with her old rival,* who, 
influenced by the Queen's arguments, withdrew 
her opposition, and the betrothal took place on 
the 18th of December, in the Regent's own 
apartments at the Louvre.f The marriage was 
celebrated on the 5th of January, 1611, and its 
immediate effect was to increase the tension be- 
tween the rival houses. 

The great wealth of the Montpensiers had 
attracted the attention of the Comte de Soissons, 
who had demanded the hand of the heiress for his 
son, notwithstanding that Henry IV. destined 
her for the Due d'Orleans. This pretension was 
extremely disagreeable to the Cardinal de Joy- 
euse, and to the Due d'Epernon, who preferred 
to see their niece married to a Prince of the royal 

* Andrea Cioli, September 14, 1610, cited by B. Zeller in 
La Minorite de Louis XIII., Marie de Medicis et Sully, 
140-142. 

f Heroard, II. 42. 



22 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

house; they had persistently refused to listen to 
the Count whenever he broached the subject. 
When the young lady's mother became Duchess 
of Guise her husband assumed the cares of the 
family, and proved himself no more tractable 
than her relatives of longer standing. But the 
eagerness of the Count's suit had not escaped 
Marie de Medicis, who, having won the Duke, 
must have been overjoyed to find another bait 
for her cousin so ready to her hand. She re- 
solved to make him side with her against Sully 
by allowing him to hope that, at some future 
time, his desires for his son might be realised. 
The great difficulty lay in approaching Sois- 
sons. Neither Villeroy nor any of the Ministers 
could fill the office of intermediary, for they all 
had taken part in refusing the Count the gov- 
ernment of Normandy when he and the Prince 
de Conti had put in rival claims for the prov- 
ince. 

There was one person, however, who had 
served Soissons well in this instance, and who, 
therefore, was likely to influence him; this was 
the Italian Concini, newly made Marquis 



Soissons' Obligation 23 

d'Ancre and chamberlain to His Majesty. When 
the Count made his demand for Normandy, 
Sully and the cabinet had been unanimous in 
their refusal, but Concini, relying on the influ- 
ence which his wife possessed over the Queen, 
had undertaken to obtain satisfaction for him.* 
His success placed Soissons under great obliga- 
tion, and when, early in January, a quarrel 
broke out between the Italian and the Due de 
Bellegarde, the ministers caused the Count to 
be chosen for umpire, though numbers of great 
men offered their services. 

The choice served a double purpose; first it 
flattered the Prince that the Queen's favourite 
should have selected him at a time when his re- 
lations with the Regent were none of the best, 
and secondly, it enabled him to acquit himself of 
the debt he had owed Concini since the begin- 
ning of the Regency. At the same time the 
Marquis was able to approach him about the 
great affair which Villeroy had in hand, and he 
did it all the more eagerly because Concini, 

* Andrea Cioli, June 26, 1610, cited by Zeller in La 
Minorite de Louis XIII. , Marie de Medicis et Sully, p. 18. 



24 Regency of Marie de M6dicis 

clever though he was, had been duped himself 
by the minister, who hinted to him that, if Sully 
was dismissed, he might aspire to his offices. 

This quarrel, the true meaning of which has 
escaped the piercing eye of Ranke, was settled 
to the satisfaction of both parties, and the Count 
and the Marquis d'Ancre entered into a most 
important agreement. Concini was to influence 
the ministers to allow Mile, de Montpensier to 
marry the Due d'Enghien, provided that Sois- 
sons would agree to carry out m concert with 
them a plan for overthrowing the Due de 
Sully* 

Fate, which seems to have furnished all the 
opportunities for this remarkable intrigue, now 
prepared the last act. A terrible broil arose be- 
tween the Due de Guise and the House of Bour- 
bon, in which Sully took the step leading to his 
downfall. One evening, the carriages of the 
Bourbon Princes met in the rue St. Honore. 
Soissons' equerry, who was walking ahead, called 

* Richelieu Memoires, Michaud et Poujoulat, T. VII. 
p. 36. D'Eatrees' Memoires, Michaud et Poujoulat, T. VII. 
p. 383. 



Quarrel of the Bourbons 25 

to Conti's coachman to stop, and, little knowing 
with whom he had to deal, seized the bridles of 
the horses. The difference over the govern- 
ment of Normandy was still uppermost in Conti's 
mind, and, thinking that his equipage had been 
stopped purposely to insult him, he leaned out 
of his coach, and vociferated to his brother, who 
had hastened on foot to apologise, " a demain 
pour point bas ! " This was the ordinary for- 
mula of a challenge. Both Princes withdrew in a 
white heat, but the trouble was already noised 
abroad, and their doors had scarcely closed upon 
them when one of the Queen's officers presented 
himself to request each to stay at home until the 
quarrel was submitted to arbitration. 

It was perfectly natural that the Regent 
should select an umpire among her own friends, 
and her choice fell on the Due de Guise, who was 
Conti's brother-in-law, and therefore likely to 
have a greater influence on him. The Duke, who 
was at his wife's house in the rue de Grenelle, 
had some misgivings about executing the Queen's 
orders. " You will see," he said to the Duchess 
as he mounted his horse, " that great trouble will 



26 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

come out of this." His words were prophetic, 
for the Comte de Soissons, hearing the noise of 
the cavalcade as it passed his house, flew into a 
towering passion, and swore that Guise and his 
suite had passed on purpose to brave him. The 
misunderstanding with the Prince de Conti at 
once lost all significance. 

The partisans of each house sprang to arms, 
and their battle cries began to echo once more 
throughout the city. The burghers were called 
out; chains were stretched across the narrow 
streets, the guard was tripled at the Louvre, and 
the Queen assembled the Council. The Prince 
de Conde sided with his uncle, while the Guises, 
by a strange trick of fortune, had with them, 
besides the members of their own family, the 
Protestant leaders Rohan, Chatillon, and the Due 
de Sully. 

The pride of both parties made a solution ex- 
tremely difficult. The Princes saw an oppor- 
tunity of humbling the rivals who had dared to 
consider themselves the equals of the House of 
Bourbon, and demanded an apology. The 
Guises declared that they had acted under orders 



The Queen's Dilemma 27 

from the Regent, and, considering that the 
Hotel de Soissons was on the Duke's road to the 
Palais de Conti, they had no quarrel with the 
Princes. An apology was out of the question, 
and they threatened to withdraw from the court 
if the Queen compelled them to make excuses. 

Marie de Medicis was in a difficult situation. 
She was obliged to consider the temper of her 
friends or else her carefully laid plans would 
fail; she knew she could lure Soissons and 
Conde, and therefore she decided to give the 
House of Lorraine satisfaction. The old Due 
de Mayenne, whose age and experience rendered 
him the spokesman of his family, presented him- 
self before the Queen. He declared in the name 
of his nephew that no harm had been intended ; 
on the contrary, had the Duke met the Count he 
would not have failed to render him the honours 
due his quality.* 

*Pontchartrain's Memoires, ed. MichaudetPoujoulat, 307- 
310. Richelieu Memoires, p. 36 — Fontenay-Mareuil, 42 — 
D'Estrees' Memoires, 384-385 — Mercure Francois, T. II. 2-5, 
Beaulieu to Trumbull, January, 1611, found in Memorials 
of Affairs of State in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and 
King James, collected chiefly from original papers of the 
Kt. Hon. Sir Ralph Winwood, II. pp. 247-248. 



28 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

The Regent pronounced herself satisfied, and 
the Princes saw immediately that the victory had 
been given to their foes. Conde turned on his 
heel and left the council chamber. The Queen 
did not lose a second, but despatched a messenger 
to the Count. What was the argument which 
Concini was charged to bring to bear upon the 
angry Prince? If we knew the answer to this 
question, what is now more or less well founded 
conjecture would become certainty. But, as all 
treaties between the Feudal leaders and the 
crown savoured of sacrifice, and the royal power 
must appear to bend before its great vassals, 
was there any concession which Marie de Medicis 
might appear to make which would suggest a 
triumph or a gratification ? 

To answer these questions we turn our eyes to 
the figure of the Due de Sully, whom Soissons 
hated intensely because he checked his arrogance 
and his avarice. His official head was probably 
in the trencher which Concini presented. 

All there remained to do was to gain Conde. 
On the 17th of December, 1610, the Prince had 
presented a list of grievances to the council. He 



Condi's Claims 29 



claimed that the Queen could not deliberate upon 
important questions unless he was present. He 
demanded the first place in the council as well 
as in the management of the war department. At 
the death of the Constable de Montmorency he 
claimed the sword of office. He desired that the 
money which his father had spent in the service 
of the late King should be returned, that the 
government of Blaye and Chateau Trompette 
in Guyenne should be given him, and that Mon- 
sieur de Thou should be made president of the 
Parliament.* 

Bribes were always the best means of dealing 
with Conde, and when the Regent needed his sup- 
port money was no object; so " the Queen, act- 
ing by the advice of her ministers," says Pont- 
chartrain, " gave the Prince 900,000 livres to 
pay the debts contracted by his father, and 
300,000 livres to buy the county of Clermont 
and the city of Creil." f 

All was now ready for the final onslaught ; but 

* Beavlieu to Trumbull, December, 1610, Winwood's Me- 
morials, III. p. 241. 
f Pontchartrain's Memoires, p. 310. 



30 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

Sully had seen the gathering cloud, and when 
he was attacked in the council by one of his own 
religion over the expenses for the artillery, there 
was no doubt in his mind that his hours as 
Comptroller were numbered.* He had offered 
to accept his dismissal, once when the Queen de- 
prived him of the power of making drafts with- 
out the consent of the cabinet ; f equivalent to 
shearing him of the privilege of making friends. 
He tendered his resignation a second time on the 
eve of the young King's coronation, but was re- 
called, f for he alone could hold the Princes at a 
distance. He knew that there was no longer 
room for him at court; that his face and figure 
typified a bygone era ; that Villeroy was secretly 
mining the ground under his feet, and so, dis- 
gusted with everything, he resolved to throw 
down the gauntlet for the supreme struggle. 
One day, the following question came up in 

* Matteo Botti, June 19, 1610, cited by Zeller in La Mino- 
rite de Louis XIII. , Marie de Medicis et Sully, pp. 67-69— 
L'Estoile, Journal Registre de Louis XIII. , p. 607. 

\ Andrea Cioli, Ibid. , p. 72. Sully had made friends with 
Guise and Conde by paying their arrears in their pensions. 

X Oeconomiea Royales, ed. Michaud et Poujoulat, p. 405. 



Sully's Quarrel with Villeroy 31 

the council; Should d'Alincourt, the Governor 
of Lyons, place a garrison in the city, and use 
for the purpose 1,200,000 livres, which had been 
set aside to purchase the town as crown prop- 
erty? Sully emphasised the point that both 
Savoy and the Spaniards were now a long way 
from Lyons; that Bresse formed a bulwark 
against invasion, and that a garrison would only 
exasperate the citizens. The Queen admitted 
the first part of this, but added that she con- 
sidered the Huguenots more dangerous than 
strangers. The soldiers would serve to keep 
Lesdiguieres in check. The minister knew that 
this was not the Queen's personal opinion, and 
when the council was dismissed he accused Ville- 
roy to the Regent, of wishing to throw sus- 
picion on all the good servants of the crown, 
including the Huguenots, so as to favour the 
schemes of his son-in-law, d'Alincourt. " If his 
words have had power enough over your Maj- 
esty's mind," concluded he, " to make you sus- 
pect both Spaniards and Huguenots, I think 
that he and I had better join hands and leave 
the council together."* 

* Oeconomies Royales, 408-409. 



32 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

Here was Villeroy's opportunity to demand 
the dismissal of his enemy. He retired to his 
house at Conflans to give the Queen the oppor- 
tunity to act.* With true Italian dissimulation 
the Regent waited a few days. The victory ap- 
peared to hang in the balance. Then the Princes 
played their part in the unworthy comedy, and 
demanded Sully's retirement. A report began 
to circulate that he was to be controlled in his 
acts by a council of finance. f The minister 
promptly resigned, and left Paris loaded with 
honours, little dreaming that he was bidding 
farewell forever to his official career. Marie de 
Medicis had gained her point. She had purged 
the council of all Huguenot taint without anger- 
ing the party. The Comptroller had not been 
dismissed, he had resigned ! Don Inigo de Car- 
denas immediately informed his government of 
what had happened. The King replied that it 

* Richelieu Memoir es, p. 34. 

\ Foscarini, January 11, 1611, and January 17, 1611, 
cited by Zeller in La Minorite de Louis XIII., Marie de Me- 
dicis et Sully, 213-215— Ranke, op. cit. , German text, II. 122, 
citing a despatch from Pecquins, Beaulieu to Trumbull, Jan- 
uary 13, 1611, and Edmondes to Winwood, January 23, 
1611, Win-wood's Memorials, III. 247. 



Spain's Influence 33 

would be well to have Sully arrested and tried, 
but Madrid was far from Paris, and Philip had 
not calculated what the Huguenot party might 
do in case his ideas were carried out. Villeroy 
and the Queen knew perfectly well what they had 
to expect, and they decided to await develop- 
ments. 



CHAPTER III 

March, 1611, to November, 1612 — Henry IV. 's treatment 
- of the Huguenots — Their distrust of the Kegent — 
Demand for an assembly — Strained relations between 
the parties — Sully's influence — Scheme of the minis- 
ters to divide the Huguenots — Influence of the Due de 
Bouillon — Election of Duplessis-Mornay — Assembly 
of Saumur — Act of Union — Championship of Sully's 
cause — Demands of the Protestants — The Queen's 
policy — The dissolution of the Assembly — Disillusion- 
ment of the Due de Bouillon — His influence on 
Conde — Story of La Descomans — Coolness between 
the Queen and the Guises — Kise of Concini's influence 
— The proposal of marriage between his family and 
that of Soissons — Influence of the cabinet— Its an- 
tagonism to Concini— Alliance between Conde' and 
Soissons at Fontainebleau — Publication of the Span- 
ish marriages — Anger of the Princes— Negotiations — 
Plot of the Feudal party against the ministers — 
Quarrel between the Queen and the Guises — The 
Moisset case — Anger of the Guises. 

The Calvinists lost much more by the death 
of Henry IV. than by his abjuration. The late 
King had made a plain statement regarding the 
privileges of the Huguenots in the Edict of 
Nantes, and, instead of treating them according 
to the letter of the law, he put an extremely leni- 
34 



M/aaiyo 




MAXIMILIEN DE BETHUNE, DUG DE SULL\'. 
From a painting by dn Moustier, in the Louvre. 



Attitude of Protestants 35 

ent construction upon the proclamation, adding 
new concessions continually until a feeling of 
security had replaced their uneasiness. But the 
Protestants regarded the Regent with appre- 
hension, and immediately after the death of her 
husband demanded an assembly. 

Marie de Medicis could not refuse, for con- 
sidering the proposed revolt of the Feudal party, 
to anger the Huguenots at such a moment would 
have been suicidal ; and so the parchment author- 
ising the meeting was sent from Reims itself, as 
an offset to the young King's oath to put down 
heresy in his dominions. The place selected was 
Chatellerault, but it was changed to Saumur, for 
the ministers were afraid of Sully, who governed 
Poitou. 

A feeling of distrust pervaded all parties. 
Seeing the strong Catholic tendency of the gov- 
ernment, the Huguenots feared to be dispos- 
sessed of their charges; many fortified them- 
selves as if the religious wars were about to burst 
forth afresh. The cities in the vicinity of 
Saumur manned their walls and drew up their 
drawbridges, for Sully's attitude was far from 



36 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

reassuring. He had published a letter in which 
he begged " the gods " not to trouble the peace 
of France again, hinting darkly that a resort to 
arms might be possible in the near future. 

The ministers saw that unless the Protestants 
could be divided, a great deal of trouble might 
arise from the assembly. With consummate ad- 
dress they selected an emissary in the ranks of 
the Reform itself, and despatched him to Saumur 
to oppose the influence of Sully. This mission 
was given to the Due de Bouillon, who hoped to 
obtain one of the great state offices by means of 
the party. As a sower of discord he had no 
rival ; and he was to scatter it broadcast among 
the Protestants, and to have himself elected 
president of the assembly. 

But Sully and his son-in-law, the Due de 
Rohan, came in person to Saumur, and put for- 
ward the candidacy of Duplessis-Mornay, upon 
whom their adversaries chiefly relied. Duplessis 
was one of those old patriarchs whose ideas of 
the rights of his party surpassed his desire to 
enforce them. He could not forget his King, 
and kept the strength of the Reform in leash. 



Huguenot Union 37 

His election, which was brought about without 
delay, meant that all the arguments of concilia- 
tion would be used before an appeal to arms. 

The first step of the assembly was to establish 
an act of federation which, after citing the 
necessity of an agreement between the churches, 
finished with these ominous words : " We are 
ready to seal the aforesaid union with our blood, 
and to employ our fortunes, authority, or our 
lives in its service."* 

Sully then hurled the bolt which he had been 
preparing ever since his disgrace. He made a 
statement of his grievances, and demanded ad- 
vice. Should he exact his re-establishment, or 
should he simply accept the rewards which the 
court had promised? There had been rumours 
that the ex-Comptroller was to be arrested and 
tried for mismanagement, and this speech may 
have been a measure of personal safety, but if 
the Queen had any such ideas, the prompt ac- 
tion of the assembly left no room for doubt as 

* Acte de V Union Generate des Eglises Pretendues Be- 
formees, 1611, cited by Capefigue in Richelieu-Mazarin, la 
Fronde et le Regne de Louis XIV., T. I. p. 126. 



38 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

to its intentions. In spite of the Due de Bouil- 
lon, the deputies united with Sully to demand 
his safety and honour from the court ; requested 
that he should not resign the offices he still held, 
especially that of chief of the artillery, and 
promised to assist him if anything was under- 
taken to his advantage.* 

Then the assembly drew up a list of demands, 
the last of which was little short of an infringe- 
ment upon the power of the crown. The choice 
of governors for their strongholds was hence- 
forth to be made from a list of names submitted 
by the provinces; all Catholic processions were 
to be abolished in towns held by the Huguenots ; 
the priests were to be forbidden to speak of the 
damnation of those who attended the Huguenot 
meetings for the purpose of hearing exhorta- 
tions. The Reformers refused to recognise the 
Catholic festivals, demanded schools, academies, 
and an increase in the subsidies paid to their 
pastors, also special burial places. Besides this, 
they resolved to draw the money for maintain- 
ing their fortresses from the royal coffers, de- 
* Rohan Memoires, 496. Mercure Francois, II. 77-78. 



Policy of the Queen 39 

manded permission to keep the artillery which 
was in their hands, and completed their exac- 
tions by voting to hold an assembly every two 
years.* 

This was almost a declaration of war, but the 
ministers, who knew the strength of their op- 
ponents, preferred to win them by bribery rather 
than by an open attack. Sully, whose self- 
esteem was never proof against pecuniary 
favours, was called to Paris. The Queen brought 
the whole of her talents for cajolery into play, 
and the old minister fell a victim to her flattery 
and to her judicious giving. 

The Regent's object was to dissolve the as- 
sembly before returning an answer to its exac- 
tions. She had very little to fear from the Prot- 
estants if they dispersed, even though some of 
their demands might be refused, and so the gov- 
ernment insisted that the deputies should name 
the five officers who were to reside at court, in 
accordance with the Edict of Nantes, and sep- 
arate before the complaints of the Huguenots 
could be considered. The Regent cunningly 
* If 88. da Bethune, vol. cot. 8681, fol. 57, Bib. Nat., Paris. 



40 Regency of Marie de MSdicis 

added that she wanted a signal proof of their 
devotion to her son at the beginning of his reign, 
and that none more convincing could be expected 
than that the Huguenots should trust their en- 
tire future to his clemency and justice. But 
the majority of the assembly saw the pitfall 
which such specious words concealed, and refused 
to acquiesce. 

Then the crafty Bouillon saw his opportunity, 
and advised the court secretly to authorise the 
minority to hold the election. The majority 
was forced to yield on pain of being considered 
rebels by the King ; and the assembly separated, 
the Duke returning to Paris with the air of a 
conqueror. He expected to reap the reward he 
coveted, but the ministers could not make room 
for such a schemer, and he began to believe that 
he had been deceived. He resolved to be re- 
venged, and began to influence the Prince de 
Conde to make all the trouble he could.* 

Conde needed no urging. The success of the 
Queen's intrigue against Sully had invited its 
own reaction. The instant all the influences 
* Rohan Memoires, p. 42. 



Condi's Arrogance 41 

which had worked the minister's downfall found 
themselves without further occasion to exist as 
a coalition they began to fall apart. The two 
Princes of the Blood thought they could hold the 
Regent in tutelage, and their arrogance in- 
creased to such dimensions that Conde, having 
found some difficulty in obtaining permission to 
visit his government of Guyenne, declared openly 
that she might give it or not, just as she pleased, 
but that he intended to go nevertheless.* 

The fall of Sully had likewise reacted on the 
power of the Guises, owing to the Marquis 
d'Ancre, whom the intrigue had thrown into the 
Bourbon camp. When the object of the rival 
factions had been attained they were left face 
to face. Guise and Bellegarde had protested 
against the Comptroller's retirement^ but re- 
ceived a reprimand for their pains; for Marie 
de Medicis knew well enough that the Duke was 
too much her debtor to make trouble, although 
his conduct annoyed and displeased her. Urged 
by Concini, who began to look upon Guise as his 

* D'Estrees' Memoires, 386. Pontchartrain Memoires, 313. 
I D'Estrees' Memoires, 386. 



42 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

rival, she allowed an increasing coldness for him 
and his friends to appear in their intercourse. 

This disposition was not lost on Concini and 
his abettors, and it was with the intention of 
furthering the ruin of their rivals that Conde is 
supposed to have started the accusation against 
the Due de Guise, the Marquise de Verneuil, 
and the Due d'Epernon, of having conspired 
with Ravaillac to kill Henry IV.* This is 
the famous story of " La Descomans," which 
made such a stir at the time. The woman was 
the wife of a soldier, and had served two sen- 
tences in the Chatelet, and the Hotel Dieu, for 
dissolute living. These facts militated against 
her consideraably in the eyes of the court which 
had charge of the affair ; her accusation was de- 
clared unfounded and she was condemned to per- 
petual confinement. 

Conde then started for Guyenne, where he re- 
mained during the assembly of Saumur, inspect- 
ing the fortresses with great ostentation and in- 
dulging in acts of senseless bravado.f 

* Scipione Ammirato, cited by B. Zeller in La Minorite 
de Louis XIII., Marie de Medicis et Sully, 201-202. 
f Venetian Ambassadors, cited by B. Zeller in La 



The Marshal d'Ancre 43 



But his arrogance was by no means alone. A 
personage of low birth and extraction had ap- 
peared who bade fair to carry his head as high 
as any Prince of the Blood. The Marquis 
d'Ancre had become a great factor at court. By 
the liberality of his patron he had built up a 
vast fortune in the short time which had elapsed 
since the death of Henry of Navarre. He had 
drawn enough from the royal coffers to pay for 
the government of the towns of Roye, Mont- 
didier, and Peronne ; he had assumed the title of 
Marquis, had bought the office of chamberlain 
from the Due de Bouillon, possessed the govern- 
ment of the citadel of Amiens, and had already 
begun to assemble that train of devoted followers 
which later on he used, in his moments of reck- 
less raillery, to call " les gardes de mon cul." 

The growth of Concini's influence had not 
escaped the Comte de Soissons nor his immediate 
circle, who thought that the Italian should be 
definitely attached to them by an alliance, and 
there was a serious intention between the parties 

Minorite de Louis XIII., Marie de Medicis et Sully 
p. 298. 



44 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

of marrying Concini's son to a Princess of the 
House of Bourbon.* 

But another influence had arisen parallel to 
that of the Marquis, keeping pace with his ad- 
vancement, but with less ostentation. This was 
the council of the ministers. 

This body of grave men, whom Concini used 
to call " les Barbons," held great authority over 
the Regent, for it consisted of the only persons 
capable of giving advice on affairs of state. 
Villeroy was its most important member, for, be- 
sides being a clever diplomat, he held the pre- 
cedence over his colleagues from the fact that he 
was a duke. The others were councillors of the 
robe ; men like Jeannin, who had risen from the 
upper class of the people. The combination 
which they brought into play was a strong one. 
Villeroy's family contained the Marquis d'Alin- 
court, governor of Lyons, and the Marquis de 
Villeroy. The Chancellor Sillery, who was like- 
wise a great figure in the cabinet, and his son- 
in-law, Puysieux, the under-secretary, were dip- 

* D'Estrees' Memoires, pp. 385-389. BicMieu Memoires^ 
p. 44. 



Concini versus Cabinet 45 

lomats of the first order. Associated with these 
two men was the Commandeur de Sillery, the 
Chancellor's brother, who derived his title from 
the Knights of Malta. At this time he was Am- 
bassador to Spain, the importance of which post 
sufficiently proves the worth of the man. These 
" grey-beards," whom the Italian despised, were 
so necessary to the Queen that they balanced 
his authority and, as a matter of course, if Con- 
cini was to rise higher still, it must be at the 
expense of some combination. 

The struggle between the cabinet and the 
Marquis d'Ancre began on the subject of the 
marriage proposed between the families of Con- 
cini and Soissons. The ministers could not 
allow the powerful favourite and a Prince of 
the Blood to join forces, so they seized on an im- 
prudence which the Marquis committed at 
Amiens, as a pretext for stopping his rising for- 
tunes. Concini had replaced the King's soldiers 
in the citadel with hirelings of his own, and not 
having money to satisfy the demands of the mer- 
cenaries, he had borrowed from the government 
coffers on his own note.* 

* Richelieu Memoires, p. 44. 



46 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

The Queen, who had not yet reached the point 
in her infatuation when she could no longer see 
the faults of her favourites, was extremely 
angry. She refused to allow the negotiations 
for the marriage to go on, and the Count, who 
had had the baseness to listen to the proposal, 
was obliged to accept the excuses of the Italian.* 
Concini knew perfectly well whom he had to 
thank for the Regent's anger and the destruction 
of his hopes, and resolved to remain united to the 
Princes and ruin the ministers, if he could. 

It was now late in the autumn, and the return 
of the Prince de Cond£ was momentarily ex- 
pected. The Queen thought the time propi- 
tious for publishing the agreement between 
France and Spain, which had been the object of 
her diplomacy since the time of her accession. 
She needed the good will of Conde in his quality 
of First Prince of the Blood, and so she selected 
her emissaries among his closest friends and sent 
them to meet the escort not far from Fontaine- 
bleau. Her choice was unwise, for she gave the 
commission to Soissons and Concini, both of 
* D'Estrees' Memoires, p. 390. 



Quarrel with the Queen 47 

whom she had just reprimanded, and charged 
them to obtain Conde's consent;* but the Count 
thought the occasion for negotiating his own 
affairs too good to be lost, and, far from exe- 
cuting his instructions, he probably showed 
Conde the advantage of refusing his approval. 
The Prince made a short appearance at court 
and retired almost immediately to Valery,t while 
Soissons went into Normandy. 

When the council assembled on the 26th of 
January, 1612, the Chancellor read the agree- 
ment between the two crowns. Neither Conde 
nor his uncle spoke a word; Soissons allowed 
some vague sign of approval to escape him. The 
Regent addressed the Prince, and asked for his 
opinion : " When a thing is already done," an- 
swered Conde tartly, " there is no need of giving 
advice." " You see," exclaimed the Count, ad- 
dressing his nephew, " that we are treated like 
slaves." The Queen grew red with anger, but 



* Matteo Botti, cited by Zeller in La Minorite de Louis 
XIII., Marie de Medicis et Sully, p. 312. Riihelitu Me- 
moires, p. 44. 

f Eistoire des Princetde Conde, Due d'Aumale, III. p. 17. 



48 Regency of Marie de M6dicis 

checked herself, and the Chancellor changed the 
subject.* 

The Princes immediately left Paris, but 
neither the Regent nor the ministers were to be 
daunted by a show of bad temper, and they were 
allowed to sulk while the capital gave itself up to 
rejoicing. A tournament was announced for 
the end of March. Never had such preparations 
been made. Bassompierre, the Due de Guise, 
Nevers, the Prince de Joinville, and Monsieur 
de la Chatteignerai held the lists for two days 
against all comers. The occasion cost them 
50,000 crowns each, for equipments alone.f 

Immediately after the festival the Regent's 
anxiety overcame her prudence, and she opened 
negotiations with the Princes, who, the one at 
Valery, the other at Dreux, were showing signs 
of a very bad temper. Marie de Medicis was 
more eager for their good will than she was will- 
ing to admit. Her choice of envoys shows this, 

* Ubalclini, January 31, 1612, cited by F. T. Perrens in Les 
Manages Espagnols sous le Regne d'Henri IV. et la Regence 
de Marie de Medicis, 373. 

f Bassompierre Memoires, I. pp. 304-308. Mercure Fian- 
(ois, II. pp. 334-357. 



Agreement between Bourbons 49 

for she sent Villeroy and Concini, men in whom 
she had implicit confidence.* She had cajoled 
Soissons once before, and she succeeded again. 
He was allowed to believe that the only part of 
Normandy which was not already his, the citadel 
of Quilleboeuf, would soon be placed under his 
control. 

The Count and his nephew agreed to return 
to Paris, and the era of good feeling seemed to 
have revived, though the Queen procrastinated 
continually about the surrender of the fortress. 

The Marquis d'Ancre also began to renew the 
project of an alliance with the Count, and the 
affair was carried on secretly through the Mar- 
quis de Coeuvres. But such a situation could 
not last long, and the ministers were finally 
driven into a corner by the Princes. It became 
at once clear that Soissons was not to have Quil- 
leboeuf, nor was the Marquis d'Ancre to be 
allowed to realise his project. 

A plan for overthrowing the ministers was the 
outcome of this discovery, but this time the plot 

* Edmondes to Winwood, June 4, 1612. Winwood's Memo- 
rials, III. 368. 



50 Regency of Marie de M6dicis 

was far more serious than it appeared at the first 
glance. It involved Lesdiguieres, who was dis- 
satisfied because the Queen would not give him 
his patent of duke; Rohan, who had seized the 
fortress of St. Jean d'Angely, Concini, 
Coeuvres, Conde, the Comte de Soissons, and the 
Due de Bouillon. Lesdiguieres promised to 
bring 100,000 men to the gates of Paris if neces- 
sary, and Rohan offered the resources of the 
Huguenots. 

To make a bad situation worse, the influence 
of Concini had estranged the Queen from the 
only people able to give her support. The 
favour of the Guises was ebbing fast; the Due 
de Vendome had been forbidden to go into Brit- 
tany to preside over the meeting of the Estates 
General of that province. The Due de Guise 
took this as a personal affront, and retired to 
Provence. He was soon called back in all haste 
by the Due de Bellegarde. 

A charge of the most fantastic kind had been 
launched against him by a Spanish adventurer 
whom nobody knew. This man accused a mer- 
chant named Moisset of having attempted, in 



Condi's Influence 51 

concert with Bellegarde, to influence the Queen 
by means of an enchanted mirror.* In those 
days such an accusation was enough to put any 
man's life in jeopardy. The Due de Guise was 
absolutely certain that the tale was an inven- 
tion of his enemies, and he complained to the 
Queen with great passion that it had been 
started to ruin Monsieur de Bellegarde, simply 
because he was his friend and relative. He fin- 
ished by declaring that they should know how to 
die sword in hand when the time came.f The 
Duke had guessed correctly. The story was the 
work of some person of exalted station. Bar- 
tolini, the Florentine Ambassador, writing to the 
Grand Duke, lays the blame at Conde's door. 
Moisset was rich, and the object of the conspira- 
tors was to seize his goods as well as to ruin 
Bellegarde. It was proved at the trial that the 
Marquis d'Ancre had applied to the Queen to be 

* Venetian Ambassadors, January 8, 1613, cited by Zeller 
in La Minorite de Louis XIII. , Marie de Medicis etVille- 
roy, 92. Richelieu Memoires, 51-52. D'Estrees' Memoires, 
397. 

f Edmondes to Winwood, September 21, 1612. SeeWia- 
wood's Memorials, III. 396. 



52 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

allowed to take the man's property in case he 
should be convicted. Conde was to keep one- 
half of the culprit's estate, and Concini to hold 
the remainder. In spite of Marie de Medicis' 
personal efforts (for some reason or other she 
hated Moisset) the Parliament dismissed the 
case,* and Bellegarde was exonerated, but the 
iron had entered the soul of the Guises, and they 
resolved to be revenged. 

* Bartolini, October 26, 1612, cited by Zeller in La Mino- 
rite de Louis XIII., Marie de Medicis et Villeroy, p. 71. 



CHAPTER IV 

November, 1612, to November, 1613 — Death of the 
Comte de Soissons — Murder of the Baron de Luz — 
Reasons for this act — Anger of the Queen — Prepon- 
derant influence of Conde — His exactions — Eevulsion 
of the Regent's sentiments — Rehabilitation of the 
Guises — Reinstatement of the ministers — Surprise of 
Conde" — He leaves the court— The Villeroy-Concini 
marriage — Coldness between Villeroy and Sillery — 
Villeroy's disposition in regard to the marriage — 
His influence against Concini— The Maignat case — 
Its settlement — Disillusionment of Villeroy — The sig- 
nature of the marriage contract — Surprise of the 
Feudal party — Resolution to try force. 

The moment chosen by the Feudal party for 
action against the ministers was after the return 
of the Comte de Soissons from Normandy, 
whither he had gone to preside at the annual 
meeting of the Estates General of the province. 
Concini and his associates were so eager to begin 
that they could hardly wait, but Soissons de- 
layed, owing to the advice of the Marquis de 
Cceuvres, and fate willed that he should never 
return to Paris at all, for the news suddenly 
burst over the astonished capital that the Count 
53 



54 Regency of Marie de M£dicis 

had died at one of his country places of small- 
pox. 

Conde was left comparatively alone by the 
death of his uncle, and the Parisians hoped that 
the troubles to which that turbulent Prince had 
given rise would be forgotten, now that a less 
irascible man had taken his place. But the year 
1613 had scarcely begun before the House of 
Guise, which had been more or less eclipsed by 
the Bourbons, reappeared upon the scene in a 
tragedy which took place before the very thresh- 
old of the palace. 

On the 5th of January the Duke's younger 
brother met the Baron de Luz in the rue St. 
Honore, and shouted to him to get out of his 
carriage for a moment's conversation. It would 
have been better if the Baron had refused, for 
his foot was scarcely on the ground before the 
Chevalier whipped out his sword and plunged 
it into his body. 

Viewed in a dispassionate light this was simply 
a murder, but historians do not agree on the mo- 
tive, for some say that the Baron was killed as 
a sacrifice to the ill-will and power of the Guises, 



Mr 




j. . 



C/>u,-L ;t Mourto* , Com* ,A .SoiMo, 



LOUIS DE BOURBON, COMTJE DK SOISSONS. 

Fioni a painting by du Mousticr, in the Louvre. 



Reasons for Luz's Murder 55 

while others maintain that the Chevalier was in- 
sanely jealous of his victim on account of a love 
affair.* 

The real cause of the crime was political, and 
not sentimental; the intrigue against Monsieur 
de Bellegarde did not abate with the settlement 
of the Moisset case, but Concini attempted to 
take the government of Burgundy from him and 
give it to the Due de Mayenne.f The Baron de 
Luz was especially active in this affair, and the 
Guises began to entertain a mortal hatred for 
him. He had been one of their party, and was 
regarded as a traitor for siding with Conde and 
the Marquis d'Ancre. They blamed him for the 
Queen's coldness and for the position she had 
taken in regard to Bellegarde, who, having left 
Paris after the Moisset trial, was forbidden to 
return. $ The death of Luz was resolved upon, 

* G. B. Bartolini, January 17, 1613, cited by Zeller in 
La Minorite de Louis XIII. , Marie de Medicis et "Villeroy 
91. Malherbe to Pi&resc, January 5, 1613, found in the 
works of Boileau Despreaux. Precedes des Oeuvres de 
Malherbe Suivies des Oeuvres Poetiques de J. B. Rousseau. 

f This was the son of the Due Charles, who had died on 
October 3, 1611. 

X BassompUrre Memoires, I. 312. Pontchartrain, 323. 



56 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

and the execution was given to the Chevalier. 
This role was not new to him, for he had at- 
tacked the Marquis de Coeuvres a few months 
before, when the latter was negotiating the af- 
fairs of the Comte de Soissons at the expense 
of the Chevalier's family.* 

If the Guises had been playing the hands of 
the Bourbons they could not have done anything 
more to accomplish their own disgrace. The 
Queen's anger knew no bounds. She talked of 
having the culprit tried for murder, and to all 
appearances the party in whose hands the power 
had rested since her accession was about to fall, 
involving the ministry in its ruin. 

The Prince de Conde might have been master 
of the situation had he been able to grasp it, but 
he was not made of the material which is usually 
found in great leaders. Never were the words 
of Le Vassor, that " he preferred to enrich him- 
self like an avaricious and quarrelsome country 
squire " more true than in this instance. The 
Prince had swept all the Regent's partisans into 
his own camp, for the Due de Guise had put 
* D'Estrees' Alemoires, 391. Richelieu Memoires, p. 44. 



Demands of Conde 57 

himself under Conde's protection. The Due 
d'Epernon had likewise joined the cabal, and the 
Queen stood alone against the Feudal leaders who 
at once began to demand concessions. 

Six days after the death of the Baron de Luz, 
the Due de Nevers, the Due de Mayenne, and 
the Marquis d'Ancre demanded an interview with 
Marie de Medicis. Nevers, as spokesman, laid 
before her, after a long preamble, in which he 
enlarged upon Conde's services, a demand from 
the Prince for the government of Chateau Trom- 
pette, the citadel of Bordeaux.* 

Henry IV. used to say that unless he held 
the Chateau he was not Duke of Guyenne, and 
this idea probably suggested itself to the Queen 
at this moment with double force; her face 
turned crimson. She answered that she would 
think about it, and rising at the same time from 
her seat in the council chamber, she retired to her 
own apartments, followed by Nevers and his 
companions. Bassompierre, who was present, 
infers that the Regent's anger and annoyance 

* Bassompierre Memoires, I. 318. Pontchartrain, 328. 
Richelieu, 56. 



58 Regency of Marie de M6dicis 

were visible, but Marie de Medicis did not bear 
her name in vain, and by the time she reached 
her own boudoir her mind was made up. 

" I heard a tale about Bassompierre's love 
affairs," she said with the utmost nonchalance. 
" If I should tell it, he would be overwhelmed 
with confusion." 

" You must tell it him, Madam," answered 
Nevers, falling into the trap. He made a sign 
to Bassompierre to approach, but the Regent, 
acting her part, refused to enlighten them until 
the Count himself, his curiosity being thoroughly 
aroused, begged her to tell him what she meant. 
The Queen took him into the embrasure of a 
window and said : " I do not wish to speak to you 
on that subject at all, but I want to ask you if 
Monsieur de Guise has said anything more about 
the return of de la Rochefoucauld."* 

" Madam," answered the Count, " he spoke of 
it three days ago, and begged me not to men- 
tion the subject again to Your Majesty, adding 

* Rochefoucauld had been expelled from the court for 
not wishing to leave the Hotel de Guise when ordered to 
by the Queen's messenger, Chateau vieu, on the day of 
de Luz's murder. 



The Queen and Bassompierre 59 

that he should treat with you by means of Mon- 
sieur le Prince, with whom he should henceforth 
be on such good terms that he (the Prince) 
would no longer be the rod for you to beat him 
with when you were angry. He thinks he makes 
no mistake in attaching himself to the Prince's 
party because the Marquis d'Ancre, your favour- 
ite, belongs to it." 

" Ah ! Bassompierre," replied the Regent, 
** evil councillors got me to forsake the Princes 
of the House of Guise and scorn them. They 
also oblige me to abandon and neglect the min- 
isters, and then, seeing me without assistance, 
they want to attack my authority and ruin me. 
They have just made a most insolent demand for 
the Chateau Trompette, and are not inclined to 
be satisfied even with that, but if I am able I 
shall find some means of stopping them." 

Bassompierre, who, notwithstanding his airy 
manners and apparent lightness, was really a 
clever man, saw in the determination an occa- 
sion to play a part which he enjoyed, and for 
which he was perfectly calculated. He told the 
Regent not to despair; she could win back the 



60 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

Guises and the ministers whenever she saw fit, 
and that she ought to find the means. The Queen 
understood the hint and asked him to come to her 
after dinner, and the better to hide her game 
she turned to the Prince's followers and showed 
so much gaiety that Bassompierre wondered at 
her marvellous power of dissimulation.* 

After dinner she had fully decided how much 
she would pay the Guises. She instructed her 
emissary to offer the Duke 100,000 crowns, and 
the office of lieutenant-general of Provence for 
his brother the Chevalier, whom only a few days 
before she wanted to hang; to the Princess de 
Conti she offered the continuance of the Abbey 
of Saint-Germain in case the Prince, her hus- 
band, died, and besides all this, she held out the 
olive branch to the Duke, by offering to allow 
La Rochefoucauld to return to court. The re- 
call of the ministers was Bassompierre's own 
suggestion, and he offered to talk to Villeroy 
himself, adding that the Commandeur de Sillery 
would be the best person to approach the others. 

" You are right," assented the Regent, " and 
* Bassompierre Memoires, I. 319-320. 



The Queen's Diplomacy 61 

I shall send for the Chevalier de Sillery at once ; 
see the others and decide what I ought to prom- 
ise. I, for my part, am brave enough to run 
any risk to uphold my authority against those 
/ who wish to deprive me of it." 

Men are always more easily managed by the 
women of their family than by the friends of the 
sterner sex. And it was very clever of Bassom- 
pierre to approach the Due de Guise through 
his mother and the Princess de Conti on one 
side, and through his wife on the other. Queen 
Marguerite, the divorced wife of Henry IV., re- 
ceived the task of managing the Due d'Epernon, 
who, to his undying credit, did not require bribes 
to make him act according to his conscience. It 
was just as easy to win the Due de Guise, for the 
gifts he received and pardon for his brother dis- 
sipated all his ill-feelings. The ministers were 
glad of this apparent victory over the Prince 
and the Marquis d'Ancre, and only asked to be 
reinstated. They presented themselves therefore 
on Sunday the 13th of January, and remained 
closeted with the Queen three hours. At ten 
o'clock the Prince came to the Louvre and was 



62 Regency of Marie de M£dicis 

refused an audience because the Queen was talk- 
ing with the ministers. Bassompierre, who was 
in attendance, noticed the Prince's anxiety. His 
half -smile must have caught Conde's eye, for he 
said " do you know that those old * barbons ' 
have been conferring with the Queen for an hour, 
and that I am not admitted? " The Count ap- 
peared surprised, but made the Prince see that 
his demand for the Chateau Trompette had 
worked the marvel. Like a careful diplomat he 
threw suspicion on the Due de Bouillon, saying 
that perhaps he had seen how the Regent took 
the request for the citadel, and fearing to ruin 
himself had made overtures to her through Vil- 
leroy.* 

The Feudal party lingered in Paris a few 
days after the end of this intrigue, and then they 
left the court one after another ; the Prince went 
to Berri, and the Due de Nevers to Italy, 
whither he escorted Mile, de Mayenne, who was 
engaged to the Duca di Sforza. The Marquis 
d'Ancre retired to Amiens. 

The ministers now held the situation in their 
* Bassompierre Memoires, I. pp. 333-339. 



Quarrels in the Cabinet 63 

hands, but the same reaction which had occurred 
to disrupt the Catholic party for a time now 
took place in the cabinet. When there seemed 
to be no foe to face, and no cabal to overthrow, 
they began to look askance at each other. Ville- 
roy and the Chancellor quarrelled. The cause 
for their difference was, say the Memoires, a mar- 
riage which the former tried to arrange between 
his granddaughter and the son of the Marquis 
d'Ancre. The Chancellor was hurt because the 
negotiations were begun without his knowledge. 
The authors of this information appear to me 
to have taken an appearance for a fact, and to 
have given Villeroy the credit for an affair which 
was not of his seeking. There is no doubt that 
such a proposition was made to the Marquis 
d'Ancre, and that an alliance with an old and 
noble family, which was the last step towards 
wiping out the epithet of " etranger," under 
which he laboured, must have been very agree- 
able to him. But the proposal came through a 
third party, and not by the volition of either of 
the principals, for had it come from Villeroy we 
should not have seen him making as a condition 



64 Regency of Marie de M6dicis 

of the match, that Monsieur de Souvre's charge 
of gentleman-in-waiting should pass to his son- 
in-law Courtenvaux.* 

It seems to me that the marriage was the idea 
of the Chancellor, and that Villeroy yielded with 
a very bad grace to a step which was proposed to 
him as a political necessity, but which he looked 
upon as a ruse of the Sillerys to ruin him. He 
feared to draw down upon himself the ill will 
which the Princes were beginning to feel for the 
Italian, and his disposition is sufficiently evident 
from the exorbitant demands he made in the 
marriage settlement, and in the term of years 
he fixed before the realisation of the match. 
Then also it is worthy of note that some power- 
ful influence must have been at work near the 
Regent against the Marquis d'Ancre at this very 
time, for he was never nearer disgrace than dur- 
ing the spring of 1613. A war cloud gathered 
on the frontier of Savoy, and the Queen decided 
to send an army into Italy.f Concini wished to 

* Richelieu Memoir es, p. 61. 

f The Duke of Mantua died on the 22d of December, 
1612, leaving no male heirs. Mantua, being a masculine 
fief of the Empire, reverted to the Duke's brother. The 



Concini's Peril 65 

command this force, but his design was thwarted 
by someone in the cabinet.* Then a scandal 
arose, of the kind which was often the ruin of 
people in those days. One night a man named 
Maignat, a poor deformed wretch, half priest, 
half spy, was caught putting into the post a 
packet containing information of the most valu- 
able kind. The letter was addressed to agents 
of the Due de Savoie, and named the Marquis 
d' An ere, his wife, and Dole as the people from 
whom the items were gathered. The accusation 
we can see was most serious, and had it been 
levelled at anyone but Concini his head would 
have paid the penalty. The Marquis d'Ancre 
did not misjudge the gravity of his peril, but 
passed many hours of the most poignant anxiety 

Due de Savoie immediately said that his daughter, who was 
Duchess of Mantua, might be pregnant, and the succes- 
sion should not be decided until this point was cleared up. 
The Duchess bore a daughter, and the troops of Savoy 
crossed the border, under the pretext that the Duke was 
guardian to his granddaughter, and seized several places 
in Montferrat. The court of France could not look indif- 
ferently on Savoy's act, for the Cardinal Duke was a 
nephew of Marie de Medicis. 

* O. B. Bartolini, May 4, 1613, cited by Zeller in La Mi- 
norite de Louis XIII. , Marie de Medicis et Villeroy, p. 128. 



66 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

pacing up and down the long gallery at Fon- 
tainebleau, tearing his hair and swearing to 
Bassompierre, in a mixture of bad French and 
Italian, that the Ministers had invented the 
story to ruin him.* 

The settlement of the case must have been a 
terrible revelation to Villeroy. Maignat was put 
to death, his trial being conducted by two com- 
missioners, one of whom, Claude Mangot, will 
appear again in this narrative, and nothing 
transpired to hurt Concini, who received orders 
to retire to his government. During his absence 
the contracts for the proposed marriage were 
drawn up. Their signature, on the 10th of Oc- 
tober, took the opposition completely by sur- 
prise; one thing appeared which was unmistak- 
able. The Feudal party would have no share in 
the management of affairs now that the Queen's 
favourite and the craftiest among the diplomats 
were allies. One card remained to be played. 
They resolved to risk everything, and try force 
at the first opportunity. 

* B'Estrees' Memoires, 401. Richelieu Memoires, 61. 
Bassompierre Memoires, I. 348-355. 



CHAPTER V 

November, 1613, to October, 1614 — Reckless behaviour of 
tbe Queen — Death of de Fervaques — Appointment of 
Concini to his office — The Marshal d'Ancre— Anger of 
Conde— Further extravagance of Marie de Medicis — 
The revolt — Negotiations — Seizure of Mezieres — 
Conde's manifesto — Struggle between Villeroy and 
Sillery — The Due de Rohan — Negotiations — Death of 
Montmorency — Influence on the Due de Bouillon — 
Treaty of St. Menehould — Condi's attempt on Poic- 
tiers — His Failure — Louis XIII.'s expedition to Poic- 
tiers — His popularity — Results of the journey — Sur- 
render of Conde — The election — Influence of Concini 
— His party — Influence of Barbin and Richelieu — 
Resolve to change the ministry. 

The truth of the Greek proverb, that those 
whom the gods wish to destroy they first make 
mad, was well borne out by the Queen's conduct 
during the closing days of 1613. The combina- 
tion between the favourite and Villeroy seemed 
so powerful that the Regent appears to have 
thrown caution to the winds ; she gave the signal 
for the impending revolt herself by an act of the 
purest folly. 

The death of Marshal de Fervaques, who com- 
manded Quillebceuf, occurred during the first 
67 



68 Regency of Marie de M<5dicis 

week of November. There were many candi- 
dates for the vacant dignity, and the military 
experience of men like the Due de Sully, or 
Montbazon, or Souvre, could not be denied, but 
to the astonishment and chagrin of the postu- 
lants, and the anger of the court, the Queen pre- 
ferred to give the office to a man of no experi- 
ence, at whom the discontent of her opponents 
was beginning to be aimed. She chose a 
stranger for the post, and without more ado gave 
the baton to the Marquis d'Ancre, who was also 
made governor of Normandy. The Regent 
would likewise have given him Quilleboeuf, if 
Montbazon had not shown a patent from the late 
King which gave him the citadel at the death of 
the old Marshal* 

The Prince de Conde was profoundly dis- 
pleased, but the Queen added fuel to the flame 
by sending the Infanta a bracelet worth 150,000 
crowns as a Christmas present, at a time when 
there was no money in the treasury.f 

* Scipione Ammirato, November 21, 1613, cited by Zeller 
in La Minorite de Louis XIII., Marie de Medicis et Ville- 
roy, p. 160. 

\ Ubaldini, December 3, 1613, cited by Perrens in Les 



Revolt of Feudalism 69 

The moment had come to try force, and so 
during the month of January, 1614, the Feudal 
leaders disappeared one by one from Paris. 
Conde, Nevers, Longueville, Mayenne, and the 
Due de Bouillon, left in rapid succession ; and it 
was not until Vendome was ready to follow that 
the government awoke to a sense of its danger. 
He was arrested and confined to his apartments 
in the Louvre, but cleverly deceived his jailers 
and escaped. When next heard from he was in 
Brittany.* 

The Regent was face to face with a serious 
crisis. Feudalism held the north-east of France 
with the towns of Laon, Sedan, Noyon, Soissons, 
and the castle of Pierrefonds. Vendome had 
promised to make a diversion from Brittany, and 
the Due de Bouillon was treating with the 
Protestants. 

The leadership of the Huguenot forces had 

Manages Espagnoles sous le Regne d'Henri IV. et la Re- 
gence de Marie de Medicis, p. 482. Scipione Ammirato, Jan- 
uary 16, 1614, cited by Zeller in La Minorite de Louis 
XIII., Marie de Medicis et Villeroy, 169. 

* Beaulieu to Trumbull, January 27, 1614, Winwood's 
Memorials, Vol. III. p. 492. Malherbe to Pieresc, February 
20, l$14r-Mercure Francois, III. pp. 305, 307, 359, 360. 



70 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

passed entirely into the hands of the Due de 
Rohan, whose qualities of statesman and general 
rendered him especially fit for the post. Profit- 
ing by the dissensions at court, he had employed 
his' time in seizing and fortifying St. Jean 
d'Angely, and in perfecting the organisation of 
the churches as a political body modelled upon 
the system of the Austrian Empire. Then he 
called a meeting of the Circle de la Rochelle at 
a time when the Regent was in a bad position, 
and had managed to wring from her the con- 
cessions which she had refused to grant to the 
assembly of Saumur. He was now watching the 
way events might turn, but his distrust of the 
Due de Bouillon made him very unwilling to 
join hands blindly with the conspirators.* He 
saw well enough that the war was one of private 
interests, and this keen insight saved the Regent. 
No vigorous measures could be expected from 
the council, for Villeroy and the Chancellor had 
begun the struggle for supremacy which was to 
result so disastrously for both, and each was try- 
ing to advise against the other. Villeroy had on 
* Rohan Memoires, pp. 501-502. 



Nevers Seizes Mezieres 71 

his side the Due de Guise, who expected to com- 
mand the army, but it was not surprising that 
Sillery's policy carried the day, for he was sup- 
ported by the newly created Marshal d'Ancre. 
Concini, who was afraid of the Due de Guise, 
kept sending courier after courier from Amiens, 
to his wife, to bring the affair to a peaceful con- 
clusion.* 

But hotheads like Nevers could not brook de- 
lay. He moved directly on Mezieres, a city 
which connected Sedan and Soissons, and when 
•the governor, who had shut the gates by order 
of the Regent, refused to open them, Nevers had 
cannon brought and acted as if he was going to 
blow them down.f This action took the Queen 
completely by surprise. Procrastination was no 
longer possible. A policy had to be adopted, 
and that of bribery prevailed ; money was sent to 
Lesdiguieres to keep the Huguenots quiet, an 
officer was despatched to Mezieres to take com- 
mand of the fortress, and Concini received in- 



* Richelieu Memoires, p. 67. 

f Mercure Francois, III. pp. 313-316. Pontchartrain 
Memoires, 329. Fontenay-Mareuil Memoires, 73. 



72 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

structions to keep the Princes apart as much as 
possible.* Nevers refused to give up Mezieres, 
and the King prepared for war, while Conde so 
far forgot his nationality that he demanded 
passage for 6000 mercenaries from the Due de 
Lorraine. 

Under these ominous conditions the Queen re- 
ceived a letter from the Prince. It was a mani- 
festo in which he pointed out the disorders ex- 
isting in the state, complaining that the great 
dignitaries had no share in the government. 
Affairs were managed by three or four who fo- 
mented quarrels among the nobles, scattered the 
public funds, and gave citadels to strangers who 
were incapable of guarding them. He finished 
by demanding the postponement of the Royal 
Marriages, until the King should be of age, and 
that the Estates General, the last resort in times 
of minority and of weakness, should be con- 
voked.f The Queen was willing to treat, and the 

* Venetian Ambassadors, February 5 and 8, 1614 — Scipi- 
one Ammirato, February 18, 1614, cited by Zeller in La 
Minorite de Louis XIII. , Marie de Medicis et Villeroy , 
p. 178. 

f Mercure Francois, III. 317-327— Richelieu Memoires, 67 
— Rohan Memoires, 502. 



Bouillon's Influence 73 

month of April was spent in negotiations. 
Couriers sped back and forth between Soissons 
and Paris. The President de Thou, whose 
friendship for Conde and Bouillon was of the 
closest, received permission to approach the mal- 
contents; but at this juncture the Constable de 
Montmorency died, and this event contributed 
a great deal towards making the Queen's over- 
tures to the Princes acceptable, for it influenced 
the Due de Bouillon to second the efforts of de 
Thou. Bouillon, as a matter of fact, had been 
the soul of the conspiracy; he flattered Conde* 
and urged him on, promising him an army and 
the support of the cities, especially of the 
Huguenot towns, which were full of stores and 
cannon. He likewise pointed out to the nobles 
how they were kept out of the government while 
Concini, " a foreign valet," got all the honours.* 
But the tune changed when Rohan refused to 
move and the office of Constable became vacant. 
The Duke hoped to succeed Montmorency, and 
not only grew immediately lukewarm in the cause 

* Ubaldini, February 13, 1614, cited by P. T. Perrens io 
Les Mariages Espagnoles, p. 492. 



74 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

of war, but soon became eager for a substantial 
peace.* Conde's objections were not hard to 
overcome. Money was poured into his greedy 
hands, and an important fortress was given him 
in guarantee of the Regent's good faith. 

The treaty was signed at St. Menehould on the 
15th of May. Conde obtained enough to satisfy 
all his followers, but notwithstanding, he re- 
fused to return to Paris. Only the Dues de May- 
enne and de Longueville appeared at the capital. 
The latter paid a short visit to the Queen.f 
The Due de Vendome refused to lay down his 
arms. In a word, the Princes thought their 
battle won at the time when the struggle was 
only just beginning; they expected to control 
the Estates General, and were already discount- 
ing its support.t One of the greatest mysteries 
of the period is that the Feudal leaders made 
such a mistake. Neither the Prince nor any of 
his associates except the Due de Rohan had pene- 
tration enough to read the signs of the time. 

* Richelieu Memoires, p. 68. Hist, des Princes de Conde, 
Due d'Aumale, III. 25-27. 
f Malherbe a Monsieur de Pieresc, June 1, 1614. 
X Rohan Memoires, 503. 



Attack on Poictiers 75 

They did not seem to realise that the disorders 
of the League, and the period of rest in Henry 
IV.'s reign, had shown the people the evils of 
civil strife. The masses were in favour of the 
King, and when Feudalism sounded the call to 
arms not a soul had moved hand or foot. A 
wiser man than Conde would have recognised 
this and have been warned. But he was lost in 
the eager pursuit of another scheme. He wished 
to establish himself firmly in the south-west in 
order to command the road to Spain, and already 
he held enough towns to form a strong line of 
defence. The provinces of Berri and Guyenne 
were his. Amboise had been placed in his hands, 
his favourite Rochefort was lieutenant-governor 
of Poitou, and another devoted follower gov- 
erned Poictiers. It was on this last stronghold 
that Conde cast his eye, for it completed his line 
of communication. The citizens were about to 
hold an election. The mayor was to be chosen, 
and the Prince attempted to have him named out 
of his own party. The plan to gain control of 
the city was a good one, but Conde was foiled 
by that feeling mentioned a few lines above. 



76 Regency of Marie de M6dicis 

The Spirit of Loyalty manifested itself in the 
person of Bishop Chasteigner de la Rocheposay, 
whose father had fought in the religious wars 
on the side of Henry of Navarre. 

One night, by the instigation of la Roche- 
posay, Conde's agent de la Trie was attacked, 
and left for dead in the streets. The tocsin was 
rung, Poictiers shut her gates, and the citizens 
manned the walls, the Bishop himself donned a 
steel cap and breastplate, buckled a sword by his 
side, and appeared at the gate carrying a pistol 
in his mailed fist. When Conde rode up to the 
walls he was told to retire or take the conse- 
quences. He beat a hasty retreat and wrote to 
the Regent, complaining most bitterly. The in- 
sult was so great, he said, that unless she would 
revenge him, he would be obliged to seek re- 
prisals himself.* 

This was a semi-official declaration of war. 
The promptness with which the Regent acted 
shows the real ugliness of Conde's attitude. 

* Venetian Ambassadors, July 8, 1614, cited by Zeller in 
La Minorite de Louis XIII. , Marie de Medicis et Villeroy, 
p. 235. 



Royal Journey to Poictiers 77 

She could not afford to allow Poictiers to fall 
into the Feudal leader's hands, so she decided to 
go in person to the seat of the trouble. She 
acted by the advice of Villeroy, and no one, not 
even Concini, was able to turn her from her pur- 
pose.* The Marquis d'Ancre thought that he 
was ruined as well as the rest of his party, and 
returned to Amiens, having broken definitely 
with the minister.f 

It is needless to go into the particulars of the 
King's journey if we grasp the full importance 
of its result. The people were delighted to see 
their monarch, whom the majority had regarded 
more as a myth than as a reality. They all knew 
his father, the man with the great nose and the 
glance of fire, and the announcement of the prog- 
ress of the son through the lands was hailed as 
a millennium. The King was very skilful at all 
sorts of games, and horse exercise was one of his 
specialities. The burghers loved to see the 
sovereign bowing to them from the back of his 
charger, or mingling with their sport in the 

market places. 

* Richelieu Memoires, p. 71. 
f D'Estrees' Memoires, p. 404. 



78 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

The expedition was a long ovation, the fac- 
tions disappearing like magic. At Blois the Due 
de Mayenne presented the submission of the 
Prince de Conde, and a few days later Vendome 
announced that he surrendered the towns he had 
seized to the Marquis de Coeuvres. At Tours 
the Queen saw the Bishop of Poictiers, whom she 
received, says Fontenay-Mareuil, in a way pro- 
portional to the great service he had rendered. 
The reward was well merited, for he had started 
the wave of loyalty which swept over France, 
leaving the Prince de Conde stranded higher and 
higher by the receding tide of his imaginary 
popularity. What doubt had hitherto existed 
about the control of the Estates General disap- 
peared. The court had too much at stake to al- 
low any but its partisans to be elected. The 
whole influence of the government was thrown 
into the voting,* and an assembly was obtained 
in which all the strong supporters of the Bour- 
bon dynasty and the Catholic party were repre- 
sented. This was a measure of safety on the 

* Memoires de Comte de Brienne, ed. Michaud et Pou- 
joulat, T. XXVII. p. 3. 



Troubles at Amiens 79 

Queen's part, for the Feudal leaders had made 
no secret of their intention of substituting an- 
other Regent for Marie de Medicis. Another 
subject which had formed a part of their mani- 
festo was also to receive attention ; this was Con- 
cini's position as governor of the citadel of 
Amiens, to say nothing of his charge of Marshal 
of France. 

The Italian had made an enemy in the ranks 
of the Feudal barons. His position in Amiens 
had brought him into contact with the young 
Due de Longueville, governor of Picardy, and 
the friction had become greater and greater until 
in October, 1614, the Duke returned from his 
province with an immense suite, and proposed to 
challenge the Marshal d'Ancre. The cause of 
the quarrel was that certain citizens of Amiens 
who favoured de Longueville, had shown him 
that a drawbridge between the city and the 
citadel was raised at night. This was the only 
way to reach one of the gates of the town, which 
was without defence when the bridge was closed. 

One Sunday morning the Duke went to hear 
mass at a church near the bridge, and sent a 



80 Regency of Marie de M^dicis 

squad of smiths to detach the chains. The quar- 
rel of the leaders was always sustained by their 
men in those days, and in this case Concini's re- 
tainers levelled their guns at the governor's 
people, and ordered them off the bridge. But 
the citizens espoused the Duke's cause, for one of 
Concini's Italian mercenaries had killed a soldier 
of the town guard, and the mob was eager to 
capture the citadel, hang the murderer, and raze 
the place to the ground. The personal exer- 
tions of de Longueville alone saved the fortress 
from being stormed by his infuriated sympa- 
thisers, but nevertheless he started for Paris de- 
termined to have satisfaction.* A duel was pre- 
vented, but the Duke never forgave the Italian, 
and he resolved to have the favourite ejected 
from Amiens, though the Marshal's fortune was 
so great, and his influence so preponderant, that 
the task would have staggered a less resolute 
man. 

Concini's power had outstripped that of Ville- 
roy. We can hardly believe our eyes when we 

see the man by whose advice the Regent had just 
* Malherbe a Monsieur de Pieresc, October 5, 1614. 




HECTOR D'ORLEANS, DUC BE LONGUEVILLE. 
From a painting by du Moustier, in the Louvre. 



Revival of Concini's Influence 81 

made her journey to Poictiers neglected in his 
country house at Conflans, and our ears appear 
to fail when we hear the Queen complain bitterly 
that he delayed the accomplishment of the 
King's marriage.* 

The Regent was now entirely under the influ- 
ence of Concini and his wife. The Marshal had 
surrounded her with a select number of his own 
friends. Rucellai, a churchman from Florence, 
an adept at intrigue, clever and unprincipled, 
was one of the circle ; another was Henry, Mar- 
quis de Richelieu, one of the most accomplished 
cavaliers of the time ; a third was Barbin, a law- 
yer from Melun, who had been clever enough to 
win Leonora Galigai's regard before she became 
Marquise d'Ancre.f Still another was that 
Claude Mangot, " maitre des requettes," who 
helped the Marquis in the Maignat affair; and 
last, and perhaps greatest of all, the Bishop of 
Lucon, of whom Concini used to say that he knew 
a stripling who was capable of teaching a thing 

* D'Estrees' Memoirea, 405. 

f Memoires de Mme. de Monglat, ed. Michaud et Poujou- 
lat, p. 10. 



82 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

or two to the old ministers. The favourite 
judged his young friend correctly; the young 
man whose pointed beard and moustache were so 
strangely at variance with the peaceable purple 
of his gown, was one day to weld France into a 
homogeneous mass, and to be known to posterity 
as the Cardinal de Richelieu. 

Concini had learned that it was impossible for 
him to live and wield the power he coveted with- 
out overthrowing the old ministers. It is scarcely 
credible that he wished to rule, but he loved 
power for power's sake ; the glitter and pomp of 
his dignities fascinated him ; two members of his 
clique, Barbin and Richelieu, kept urging him to 
be rid of Villeroy and his colleagues who opposed 
his advance, and the Marshal had made up his 
mind to follow their advice. Sillery's official life 
was lengthened only to allow him to manage the 
Estates General, and because Concini was allied 
to him against the Due de Guise. No favourable 
occasion for breaking with him had appeared, 
but the doom of the others became only a ques- 
tion of time. 



CHAPTER VI 

October, 1614, to February, 1615 — Diplomatic victory 
for the Queen over Conde — Proclamation of the Es- 
tates General — The King's majority — The Prince de 
Conde — Opening ceremonies of the Assembly — Jeal- 
ousy of the Nobles for the Third Estate— La Paulette 
— Quarrel between the privileged orders of the lower 
house — Conde's new role — The Gallican party — Its 
quarrel with the Clergy — Influence of Conde against 
the Nobles— Settlement of the dispute — Insults to the 
Parliament — The financial system — Quarrel between 
the deputies and the court — The Queen appears to 
yield — Appointment of commissioners — Comedy of 
auditing the accounts — Desire of the ministers to 
finish the Assembly — Orders from the King — Effect 
of the Estates upon the deputies — Closing scenes. 

Long before the time appointed for the meet- 
ing of the Estates General, the Prince de Conde 
realised that in diplomacy he was no match for 
Marie de Medicis. The treaty of St. Menehould 
had fixed the date of the assembly for August, 
and the meeting place at Sens, but when the 
Queen became sure of her position, she changed 
the time to the autumn, and called the deputies 
together in Paris. 

83 



84 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

Conde feigned a lack of interest which he was 
far from feeling, and informed the Regent 
secretly that neither he nor the Feudal leaders 
cared whether the deputies came together or not. 
But Marie de Medicis and her advisers were not 
to be caught in so poor a snare; they judged 
that, unless the assembly took place, the Princes 
would be the first to make trouble on the ground 
that the deputies had not been allowed to meet, 
though the treaty bound the Queen to summon 
them. When at length the delegates began to 
gather, the autumn was well advanced. 

The King was declared of age a day or so be- 
fore the opening of the Estates. He said a few 
words to the assembled officials of the crown, and 
implored his mother to continue to govern. The 
ceremony seemed unimportant to the onlookers, 
but in reality the assumption of the royal dig- 
nity by the Prince meant much, especially to 
those who were striving to wield his power. The 
Queen lost her title of Regent, which did much 
to weaken her authority, since everything hence- 
forth depended on the will of her son. 

The Prince de Conde cut a sorry figure at the 



The Estates General 85 

King's majority. He said nothing, and kept in 
the background; in fact he had no reason to 
speak. Everything had been done according to 
his desire. The assembly which he had called 
was about to meet, and he no longer had any 
ground to stand upon. The Queen's cleverness 
had made it impossible for him to criticise, yet 
the deputies were her firmest partisans. He was 
forced to wait until circumstances should offer 
him a chance of interfering ; meantime he placed 
Amboise, which had been given him as a pledge 
until the meeting of the Estates, in the hands of 
the King. 

Then the proclamation of the assembly was 
made throughout the city. The deputies were 
to meet on the 20th of October in the Salle de 
Bourbon at noon. The intervening time was to 
be employed by each chamber in regulating mat- 
ters of etiquette which usually involved consider- 
able friction, and it was not until the 26th 
that the real opening of the assembly took 
place. The first act of the comedy was in accord 
with the religious idea of the times. The depu- 
ties went in a body to Notre Dame to return 



86 Regency of Marie de M£dicis 

thanks for the blessings they hoped to reap. 
The people, unused to such sights, crowded every 
point of vantage, wondering at the show, and de- 
lighted with the uniforms of the soldiers who 
lined the streets along which the procession was 
to pass. The arrangement of the pageant was 
as follows : According to an ancient usage a 
motley crowd of beggars and the four orders of 
the Mendicant Friars preceded the members of 
the Third Estate. The lawyers wore their long 
black robes and square bonnets; the clerks ap- 
peared in the traditional short cloak and gown 
opening at the sides, wearing a toque for head- 
gear. The degree of honour conferred on each 
deputation was shown by its proximity to the 
Holy Sacrament which was placed in the middle 
of the procession. The Nobility, glittering with 
jewels, resplendent sword hilts, and gorgeous 
clothing, marched next to the Third Estate, their 
nodding plumes forming a sharp contrast to the 
sombre garments of the preceding delegation. 
Then came the Clergy, each wearing the insignia 
of his degree ; the simple clerk with folded hands 
and downcast eyes, the priors, abbes, bishops? 



The Procession 87 

archbishops, and the three cardinals, de Sourdis, 
Bonzy, and La Rochefoucauld, gorgeous in their 
scarlet and gold. Behind them the archbishop 
of Paris carried the Eucharist, and four of the 
greatest men in the kingdom bore the dais under 
which he walked. The King followed, his white 
clothing and sprightly bearing throwing into 
sharp relief the dark figure of the Queen, whose 
widow's weeds appeared to weigh her down as 
she moved. Marie de Medicis was followed by 
the Princes, while the Parliament and the various 
officials of the courts of justice brought up the 
rear.* The procession took seats in the nave of 
Notre Dame by orders ; the King and the Queen- 
Regent sat in the middle of the church, under a 
dais of purple velvet sprinkled with fleur-de-lys. 
Mass was celebrated by the archbishop of Paris, 
and the Cardinal de Sourdis preached, his theme 
being " Deum timete, regem honorificate." 
The next day all the delegates came together 

* Recueil tr£s-exact et curieux de tout ce qui s'est fait et 
passe de singulier et memorable en L'Assemblee Generale 
des Etats, tenus & Paris en L'Annee 1614 et particuli£rement 
en chaque seance du Tiers Ordre par, M. Florimond Rapine, 
MDCLI, pp. 42-43. Mercure Francois, III. , part II. 44-46. 



88 Regency of Marie de M£dicis 

in the vestibule of the Salle de Bourbon at noon ; 
but a delay of three hours ensued before the ap- 
pearance of the herald, who, standing in the box 
over -the main door of the hall, called off the 
deputies. Immediately there arose a great confu- 
sion, because the names were read without order 
and each one crowded in to get a seat wherever 
he could. A great many people were present 
who had no business in the hall, the lords and 
ladies filled the boxes " as if they had come to see 
a comedy," says Rapine, whose lawyer's pride 
was piqued by this want of respect, but the 
author of the remark had no notion of how near 
this stray shaft was to the truth. 

The King opened the session with a few words 
exhorting the deputies to help the poor people, 
and promising to carry out all the reforms sug- 
gested by the assembly ;* but he had no idea of 
what he was undertaking, and the Queen had no 
intention of his keeping his contract. The 
Chancellor spoke after the monarch had ceased. 
He talked for an hour and a half, but no one got 
a very clear idea of his speech, for his voice was 
* Heroard, II. 163-164. 



Miron's Warning 89 

lost in his ermine and velvet robes and he deliv- 
ered his address seated, instead of in a standing 
posture. Then the archbishop of Lyons spoke 
for the Clergy, and when he had finished, the 
Baron de Pont-Saint-Pierre addressed the King 
on behalf of the Nobles ; his speech, though halt- 
ing and full of mistakes, is an example of the 
jealousy which the orders felt for each other in 
general, and which the Nobles especially enter- 
tained for the lawyers who represented the 
people. The Provost of the Merchants, kneeling 
on a velvet cushion, spoke for the Third Estate. 
He took up the gauntlet which the Nobles had 
thrown down ; his words became darkly prophetic 
when he declared that " the people were weary of 
being the anvil, let others have a care lest they 
become the hammer." The Revolution of 1789 
was still a great way off, but its shadow already 
lay upon the path of the French Monarchy. 

Of the three chambers, the Clergy was most 
favourable to the crown, and the bishops 
promptly took the initiative, leaving the honours 
to their superiors. Among the cardinals and 
archbishops there were two classes; men like 



go Regency of Marie de Medicis 

Bonzy, La Rochefoucauld, and Joyeuse, who 
cared little about statecraft, while on the other 
hand du Perron, the Chrysostom of the church of 
those times, was looked up to as the mouthpiece 
of the order. His position of Grand Almoner of 
France gave him the leadership in the chamber.* 

A great tension between the Nobles and the 
Third Estate was evident, as soon as the assem- 
bly was fairly under way. The pride of the 
plebeian was beginning to offend that of the 
gentleman. The lawyers and rich burghers had 
made themselves a position through their offices 
when Henry IV., in need of money, had by the 
advice of the councillor Paulet, sold the charges 
of the department of justice. The men who 
bought them thought that, as long as they paid 
the government a yearly tax, they had a right to 
their position, and might pass them on to their 
families. This system was known as " la Pau- 
lette," and we shall refer to it often in these 
pages. It virtually closed to the Nobility the 
dignities held by the people, for the Nobles, al- 
ways poor, had no money to pay out when the 

* Hanotaux, Histoire du Cardinal de Richelieu, II. 18-19. 



Pretension of Classes 91 

offices were put on the market. The Burghers, 
on the other hand, had the money, and seized the 
opportunity to rise a step by means of a charge 
which introduced a new word into the vocabulary 
of their class.* That word was " hereditary" 
and it annoyed the Nobles beyond expression, 
for they saw that slowly, but surely, a privileged 
order was being created whose birthright was 
cleverness, and education only, and which might, 
therefore, supplant them in the council. The 
eradication of the system became their first care, 
and they strove to hide their envy under the 
phrase " the good of the kingdom." The pro- 
posal was made to the Third Estate in a most 
offensive way. The Nobles and the Clergy sig- 
nified their intention of asking for the suspen- 
sion of the " yearly payment," as the tax was 
called, and hoped that the lower house would 
concur. But if the chamber would not, they 
added that the privileged orders would do with- 
out its support.f Here was a pretension which 
the people could not allow, for it set a precedent 

* Hist, de Louis XIII. , Michel de Vassor, II. p. 30. 
f Rapine, 103. 



92 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

for unwarranted interference in their affairs. 
Cut to the quick, they gave the Nobles threat 
for threat, by voting the suspension of the pen- 
sions, and the reduction of the taxes twenty-five 
per cent. 

The pensions of the Nobility were another in- 
vention of the great Henry to compensate those 
who, having been faithful to him in his struggle 
for the crown, had lost their possessions in the 
turmoil of the League. The proposal of the 
people struck at the very existence of the upper 
orders, and it created a tempest in the assembly ; 
but the Third Estate refused to recede from its 
position, and the quarrel grew so bitter that the 
council had to interfere. Each side maintained 
its rights before the King, and the misunder- 
standing began to threaten the success of the 
assembly. At this juncture Conde reappeared 
in a new role. He championed the cause of the 
people, and indicated a line of policy to the 
president of the chamber which brought about a 
settlement ; but the quarrel was scarcely smoth- 
ered when another broke out between the Third 
Estate and the Clergy. 



The "Article" 93 

This time the point in dispute was a principle, 
and the controversy had a national, not a selfish 
character. At the death of Henry IV., a deep 
feeling pervaded the members of the Sorbonne, 
and the Parliament of Paris, that the Gallican 
Church and the Law should speak against the 
people who had murdered one king of France 
and instigated the assassination of another. Im- 
mediately after the execution of Ravaillac, the 
Parliament entered the lists, with the entire sym- 
pathy of the people, and passed an edict reviv- 
ing an old decree of the year 14*13. This stat- 
ute, which had been approved by the Council of 
Constance, condemned as heresy the doctrine 
that " a tyrant may be slain by one his vassal or 
subject, by ambuscade, treason or other plots, 
without waiting for the sentence or command of 
any judge." The Sorbonne confirmed this de- 
cree, adding on its own account, " that it was a 
seditious, impious and heretical action to lay 
hands upon the sacred persons of Kings or 
Princes, no matter what pretext subject, vassal 
or alien might allege." An oath was exacted 
from the doctors and bachelors of 'divinity to 



94 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

teach the truth of this doctrine in their classes, 
and to instruct the people by their preaching.* 
The book of the Spaniard Mariana was immedi- 
ately seized and burned by the hand of the pub- 
lic executioner, despite the indignation of the 
Pope's legate. The controversy reached its 
height when Cardinal Bellarmine published his 
reply to Barclay ,f whose two theses, on " The 
Power of the Pope " and " The Royal Power," 
were attracting considerable attention. The 
Parliament seized the work on the ground that 
" it contained a false and detestable proposition 
tending to subvert sovereign powers established 
by God."$ The whole Ultramontane party 
showed its displeasure, and the Papal Nuncio 
threatened to leave France, but this was not 
necessary, for the Queen herself annulled the 
edict, and the power of the crown was brought 
into direct conflict with the Parliament. 

In tabulating the requirements of all the rep- 

* Mercure Francois, I. pp. 457-461. Richelieu Memoires, 
p. 25. 

f The book was called " The Power of the Pope over 
the Temporal." 

X L'E&toile, Journal Registre de Henri III. , etc., p. 642. 



The "Article" 95 

resent atives, the Third Estate had resolved to 
adopt as a basis the list of grievances submitted 
by Paris and the Isle de France, which contained 
as its very first article a statement that the King 
held the kingdom from God alone ; and no power 
on earth, be it spiritual or temporal, had any 
right to violate his sacred person or dispense or 
absolve his subjects from their oath of fidelity 
for any cause or pretext. This was nothing 
more nor less than a plain statement of the creed 
of the Gallican party, in the face of all envoys, 
both ordinary and extraordinary, that the King 
was a sacred being against whom the Pope should 
not fulminate, and whom they intended to put 
out of the reach of the regicide. This was the 
fruit of the seed which Ravaillac had sown, and 
the growth of which the invectives and agitation 
against the Jesuits had foretold ; it was the draw- 
ing of the sword by the Gallicans, who not only 
drew their weapons but threw away the scab- 
bards. 

The Clergy was much moved at this turn of 
affairs. To acquiesce would be to desert the 
Roman Church, while to oppose the article would 



96 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

mean declaring themselves anti-national, if not 
altogether Jesuits and regicides. They tried to 
parry the blow and sent the archbishop of Aix, 
a- distinguished orator, to see if the article was 
really under consideration by the Third Estate. 
The archbishop approached the subject warily 
by intimating to the chamber that, if it had any- 
thing to ask which had to do with the church, 
the Clergy should know before the mass of the 
nation. Miron replied shortly that if any point 
came up which bore on faith or doctrine, the 
Clergy would receive due notice. The arch- 
bishop was forced to return to his brethren 
with this unsatisfactory answer, but the church- 
men knew the drift of the article in spite of 
the reticence of the burghers, and they resolved 
to send the cardinals to the Regent to beg her 
to suppress the subject of contention at its 
birth,* and at the same time the bishop of 
Montpellier appeared in the chamber of the 

* Proces-verbal contenant les propositions deliberatives et 
resolutions prises et recues en la Chambre Ecclesiastique 
des Etats Generaux, Recueilli et dresse par M. Pierre de 
Behety, un des Agents du Clerge et Secretaire de ladite 
Chambre, 44-45. 



Revolt of Clergy 97 

Third Estate to beg the delegates to communi- 
cate the exact wording of the article in question. 
A long, bitter debate ensued among the deputies, 
who were much moved by the able appeal of the 
bishop, and the wording was finally copied and 
borne triumphantly to the Clergy.* 

Nothing more was heard from the churchmen 
for a week, but the order had resolved neverthe- 
less to make the greatest struggle in its power 
against the schism which threatened it. On the 
31st of December the cardinal du Perron ap- 
peared before the nobles. He denounced the 
Third Estate for attempting to place the church 
of France in the dilemma of breaking away from 
its creed if it subscribed to the article, or of being 
guilty of treason if it refused. He went on to 
show that the resolution itself would not pro- 
tect the sovereign, and finished by declaring that 
the Clergy would rather die than subscribe. 
The Nobles refused to interfere and left the man- 
agement of the quarrel in the hands of the 
church. But the dispute suddenly assumed a 
still more national character by the entry of the 
* Proch-verbal du Clerge, 188-194. Rapine, 267. 



98 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

Parliament into the lists. Servin, the attorney- 
general, issued an order condensing the article 
in question, and the printers immediately began 
to flood the country with copies of the decree.* 
The action of the judiciary was bitterly resented 
by the church, and the clergy construed it as an 
attempt to interfere with the liberty of the as- 
sembly. Remonstrances were sent to the cabinet 
and the Nobles, but owing to the influence of 
Conde the majority in the chamber was very 
small. 

The Queen's decision was looked for by the 
assembly with great anxiety ; a decree in council, 
forbidding all discussion of the question, failed 
to satisfy the Clergy, who threatened to with- 
draw from the Estates unless the subject of dis- 
pute was so completely wiped out that no men- 
tion of it should appear in the records. The 
chamber then suspended its work. But the 
Queen was bound to give the Clergy satisfaction ; 
she was the Sovereign Pontiff's debtor already, 
for having silenced the claims of Conde to the 
throne. There had been some talk about the 
* Mercure Francois, III. , part II. pp. 327-328. 



Disposition of Court 99 

validity of divorce in the Roman Church, and 
the Prince contended that Henry IV.'s children 
were illegitimate. Spain had offered to help 
Conde, but the Pope placed his veto on the 
scheme. Marie de Medicis' advisers showed her 
that the standard of Gallicanism could not be 
raised in France, or else the very validity of the 
papal dispensation, upon which her marriage 
was grounded, would be jeopardised.* Besides 
this, the Third Estate had shown a disposition 
for initiative which worried the court, and the 
Chancellor had already rebuked the burghers 
for their headlong zeal;f the Regent was not 
sorry to check them again. The King's order 
gave the victory to the church, and the article 
was not only suppressed but withdrawn; the 
Queen notified the Third Estate that the subject 
must be left out of their pamphlet ; she thanked 
them for their solicitude and promised to reply 
favourably to their demands. This ought to 
have been sufficient, and had the Queen stopped 
there she would not have fomented the feeling 

* Eanke, Franzosiche Geschichte, French translation, I. 
p. 39. 
f Rapine, 224. 



ioo Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

among the Gallicans which impelled the party 
to join the Prince de Conde. Satisfaction such 
as they required was given the Clergy. It was 
overwhelming ; the Parliament was bowed in the 
dust before the angry ecclesiastics, their printers 
were imprisoned, their decree was torn from the 
register, and a copy of these orders was sent to 
every township in the kingdom. But the will 
of the people could not be so easily put down, 
and had the vote in the chamber been taken by 
bailiwicks instead of provinces, the result would 
undoubtedly have been a revolt against the arro- 
gance of the Queen; but the lower house was 
full of the Regent's tools. The president, Miron, 
was one, and he managed to take the vote by 
provinces. The great counties were thus equal- 
ised by those of smaller representation, and the 
minority carried the day amid great excitement.* 
Those who had voted against the motion rushed 
to the tables where the secretaries sat, to register 
their names in order to present a memorial to the 
court. 

The quarrels over the temporal power of the 

Pope and the reduction of pensions had made 

* Rapine, 364. 



Complete Discord 101 

it impossible for any of the orders to agree, and 
there only remained for the Nobles to quarrel 
with the court to make the result of the confer- 
ence completely abortive. To contribute as 
much as possible towards this result, the Regent 
used the tactics which had served her so well 
against the Assembly of Saumur. She refused 
to answer any demand until after the deputies 
had ceased to sit. There was one point, how- 
ever, upon which she was forced to make a show 
of yielding. One of the curses of the old regime 
was the secrecy which surrounded the finances. 
The three orders had agreed, before their quar- 
rels began, to demand a chamber for the super- 
vision of the " tax farmers " and others who 
managed the money of the kingdom. Again the 
Queen refused, and the Nobles met her more than 
half-way by suspending their work until she 
acquiesced.* The cabinet had too much interest 
in keeping the deputies from uniting not to make 
concessions. The temper of the Nobles was too 
alarming to permit the Regent to hold out; she 
feared that the Prince de Conde might draw 
* Mercure Francois, III., part II. p. 190. 



102 Regency of Marie de M6dicis 

them into an alliance with the lower house, whose 
champion he had already shown himself. She 
announced through the president Jeannin, on 
the 20th of December, that the auditing chamber 
would be established, and the Third Estate was 
requested to appoint commissioners to examine 
the accounts.* They were named on the 16th 
of January, 1615, but their cold reserve so dis- 
concerted the ministers that the latter began to 
wish most devoutly that the deputies might hand 
in their papers and disperse as soon as possible, 
for they feared that the wholesale waste of 
Henry the Great's treasure might become gen- 
erally known. It soon became evident that the 
court did not intend to have the state of the 
finances ventilated at any price, for although a 
great show was made of allowing the deputies 
to inspect the balance sheets, so much was put 
in their way that the examination really 
amounted to nothing. The figures were neither 
to be copied nor discussed in public. f Itemised 
accounts were refused, and the commissioners 

* Rapine, 229-237. 

f Mercure Francois, III., part II. p. 200. 



Beaufort 103 

were forced to be content with falsified state- 
ments. 

Then a man named Beaufort suddenly ap- 
peared and presented a scheme to the chambers 
for buying back the offices held by the Third 
Estate. The Clergy and the Nobles at once saw 
an opportunity of putting the lawyers in a di- 
lemma between the good of the state and their 
own selfish interests. We can imagine with what 
eagerness they accepted the proposal and re- 
ferred him to the lower house, but, strange to 
say, he refused to explain his methods, and the 
Commons rejected the plan to the great delight 
of the other two orders, who pointed to this 
action as an indication of sincerity.* 

The discord among the deputies was now at 
its height. Mutual distrust reigned in all the 
chambers; the court had carried the day, and 
the only remaining step was to compel the as- 
sembly to dissolve. The personal command of 
Louis XIII. was sent to the deputies ; the Estates 
were finished; they acknowledged their power- 

* Proces-verbal du Clerge, p. 261. Mercure Francois, III., 
part II. pp. 100-110. Rapine, 377. 



104 Regency of Marie de M6dicis 

lessness and prepared to end their work. The 
dispositions of the delegates had undergone a 
great change during the four months of bicker- 
ing and disappointment which marked their stay 
in the capital ; they had come singing the praises 
of the Queen, ready to lend their hands to the 
reforms which they had fondly hoped she would 
inaugurate; they returned to their homes dis- 
satisfied. The Regent had deceived them as she 
had deceived everybody. They had given their 
assent to her rule, but she herself had sown the 
seeds of revolt in their breasts, and the spark to 
fire the train of discontent was the only thing 
necessary to plunge the kingdom into civil war. 
The last act of the Comedy of the Estates Gen- 
eral took place in the Salle de Bourbon, where 
the deputies, crowded together between the pikes 
and halberds of the soldiers, listened to the long 
harangues of their representatives. 

Rapine, in the bitterness of his heart, says 
severely, " it was right that the closing scene 
should be in the place where, four months before, 
the Estates had begun with the same noise and 
disorder." 



CHAPTER VII 

March, 1615, to June, 1616 — Popularity of Conde — Re- 
establishment of "la Paulette " — The Queen and the 
Parliament — Its alliance with Conde — Declaration of 
its position — Conde leaves for St. Maur — Quarrel be- 
tween the Queen and the Gallicans — Approaching re- 
alisation of the King's marriage — Villeroy's change of 
attitude — Ultimatum to the Prince, and his reply — 
Arrest of le Jay and departure of the court for Bor- 
deaux — Rupture between the Marquis d'Ancre and the 
Chancellor — Agreement between the Assembly of 
Nimes and Conde — Arrival of the King at Bordeaux — 
The marriages — Peace negotiations — Conde aspires to 
the Regency — His demands — Interviews between the 
Queen and Villeroy — Signature of the Treaty of 
Loudun — Fall of the old ministers. 

The influence of the Prince de Conde in- 
creased during the Estates General as the 
Queen's popularity diminished, and his alliance 
with the Gallicans rendered him more redoubt- 
able than ever. The court realised this and 
tried to offset it by a show of alacrity. The 
commissioners were promptly summoned to dis- 
cuss the measures suggested by the assembly, 
but when the means of reimbursing the King 
105 



106 Regency of Marie de M^dicis 

for the suppression of the " yearly revenue tax " 
was approached, it soon became evident that they 
would never agree. The privileged orders 
would not hear of a reduction of the pensions, 
but proposed an increase of the salt tax. The 
Third Estate refused this proposition, because it 
overwhelmed the people, who were already suffi- 
ciently burdened. The deputies preferred to 
demand the continuance of " la Paulette."* This 
was just what the court wanted, for the re-es- 
tablishment of the tax left it optional whether 
the pensions should be reduced, and so the entire 
labour of the deputies was brought to naught 
when, on the 19th of May, 1615, the King con- 
tinued Paulet's pernicious invention, and after 
months of travail the mountain brought forth 
nothing. 

The edict put an end to the hopes of relief, 
the drama assumed a new phase. The Parlia- 
ment, which had been assiduously courted by the 
Prince de Conde, entered the lists and threw down 
the gauntlet to the court. This august body, 
which had been appealed to as sponsor of the 
* Mercure Frangois, III. , part II. pp. 421-425. 



Conde and Parliament 107 

Regency, was displeased at the victory of the 
Catholic party in the assembly, and turned nat- 
urally to the Feudal leader as the only person 
strong enough to vindicate its cause. Conde 
himself was only too willing to let the Parliament 
play his hand for him; its dissatisfaction gave 
him a constitutional pretext for rebellion, and 
he urged the councillors into an open declaration 
of their position. Taking as a pretext that the 
complaints of the orders had had no result, 
the Parliament issued an edict summoning the 
princes, dukes, peers, and officers of the crown 
to meet and deliberate upon the reforms which 
were necessary.* 

The men of law justified this infringement on 
the rights of the sovereign by saying that the 
Queen had appealed to them for counsel at the 
beginning of the Regency, and that this was all 
they proposed to offer in the present instance. 
As soon as the Parliament had taken this stand, 
Conde left Paris and retired to St. Maur, a safe 
place from which to watch the development of 

* Fontenay-Mareuil Memoires, 34 — Mercure Francois, T. 
IV. p. 86. 



108 Regency of Marie de M£dicis 

his plans. He was promptly joined by the Due 
de Bouillon, the Comte St. Pol, and the Due 
de Longueville, whose hatred for the Marquis 
d'Ancre had not diminished. The action of the 
Parliament should have given Marie de Medicis 
plenty of food for reflection, but the Regent was 
not apt to ponder long when her pride or author- 
ity was in question. The situation was all the 
more difficult from the fact that she and the 
councillors were both pursuing an entirely dif- 
ferent line of thought. Her entire policy had 
been to bring the Spanish marriages, as they 
were called, to a definite conclusion. The affair 
was fast drawing to its final stage, and, under 
the circumstances, perhaps she did not give suffi- 
cient heed to the signs of discontent which were 
so evident; nor did she appear to realise that, 
both in her treatment of the Parliament and 
in her resolve to accomplish the marriages, she 
was playing into the hands of Conde. She for- 
bade the meeting of the court, and she sum- 
moned the attorney-general, whom she rated 
soundly, and commanded him to forbid his col- 
leagues to approach a question which was not in 



The Gallican Quarrel 109 

their sphere of action. But Servin might as 
well have attempted to stop the flow of the sea. 
The Gallicans were too exasperated, and too much 
in sympathy with reform, to be checked. They 
resolved to present a memorial to the King in a 
body. But, instead of being diplomatic, the 
Regent took a high hand with the Parliament 
when they^waited on her, chiding them like im- 
pertinent children, and working herself into such 
a fury that anger choked her voice. The Chan- 
cellor was obliged to finish her remarks. The 
presence of the most influential members of the 
Catholic party at the interview aggravated the 
situation; the Dues de Guise and d'Epernon 
found the Parliament's action insolent, and the 
councillors received a severe reprimand for their 
pains ; the King ordered their remonstrances to 
be erased from the registers. To make matters 
still worse, the Protestants, who had always been 
hostile to the marriages, were holding a meeting 
at Grenoble under the direction of the Due de 
Rohan, and at the time when an experienced 
statesman should have had control of affairs, 
Villeroy's credit had not been proof against the 



1 10 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

attacks of his enemies, and the minister received 
notice to retire to Conflans.* But it soon became 
necessary to negotiate with the new cabal, and no 
one knew the tricks of diplomacy better than 
this old intriguer. He was recalled, much as 
Sully had been reinstated on the eve of the 
King's coronation, to treat with the Princes.f 
This mission marks a point in Villeroy's career 
when he seems suddenly to have become closely 
allied with the Feudal party. Did he realise the 
ruin of his influence and strive to re-establish 
himself by means of the Prince de Conde ? 

No one knows the answer to this question 
exactly, but such a conclusion might be drawn 
from the reasons which the Feudal leader alleged 
for his dissatisfaction. He demanded that the 
remonstrances of the Parliament should be heard, 
that the marriages should be postponed, and that 
the Council should be reconstructed. The last 



* Villeroy had written a falsehood to the Cabinet of 
Madrid, saying that the delay in the execution of the mar- 
riages was wholly due to the Queen, who was unwilling to 
start for Guyenne. See Richelieu Memoires, p. 96. 

f Hist, de J. A. de Thou. Lettre de de Thou d Boiasise, 
T. XV. p. 545. 



Conde's Answer 1 1 1 

point was considerably amplified when the Re- 
gent summoned Conde to follow the King on the 
expedition to Guyenne, the object of which was 
the fulfilment of his marriage. To this ulti- 
matum the Prince replied by an absolute refusal ; 
he judged the journey ought not to be under- 
taken hastily, nor before the monarch had regu- 
lated the affairs of his kingdom. Eight months 
in Paris had been sufficient to show him the way 
the country was managed; the Parliament had 
been insulted for having wished to serve the 
King ; the letter ended by naming the authors of 
the evil counsels given to His Majesty. They 
were Concini and his wife, the Chancellor and 
his brother the Commandeur de Sillery, Dole, 
and Bullion;* in other words, the enemies of 
Villeroy in a body, with the exception of Barbin 
and Richelieu, who, having no political employ- 
ment as yet, had escaped notice. 

This letter opens a new phase of the struggle 
between the parties. The Feudal leaders, long 
at a loss what excuse to make for their rebellious 

* Lettres et pieces relatives a la Conference de Loudun. 
Bouchitte, pp. 179-183. 



U2 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

disposition, at last had hit upon one which would 
touch a responsive chord in the hearts of the 
people. Hatred of the foreigner has ever been 
a French trait, and the Princes seized it as their 
best weapon against the Queen and Concini. 

Military glory was always the greatest foible 
of the Marquis d'Ancre, and this bait was 
dangled before him as soon as it became evident 
that war would result if the Regent insisted on 
taking the King to Guyenne. Concini always 
objected to violence, but in this instance he was 
allowed to believe that he would command the 
army which was to operate against Conde.* The 
Due de Guise, whom he feared, was to accom- 
pany the court. The deception which the 
Chancellor practised on the Marquis d'Ancre in 
this instance was at the cost of his official life. 
The Marshal de Bois-Dauphin remained to 
guard the capital, and Concini retired to Amiens, 
vowing not to return until Sillery and his brother 
were hanged, f 

The court left Paris on the 17th of August, 

* Richelieu Memoires, p. 96. 

f Richelieu Memoires, pp. 96-99-140. Bassompihrre Me- 
moires, II. 8. 



Assembly of Nfmes 1 13 

taking the President le Jay, one of Conde's 
firmest supporters, as a hostage. The revolt 
had reached such proportions that this step was 
deemed necessary. The Protestants, who were 
holding a meeting at Grenoble, under the sur- 
veillance of Lesdiguieres, suddenly withdrew to 
Nimes; the whole party was angered at the ad- 
vantages gained by the Catholics, and clamoured 
for war. This disposition was encouraged by 
Rohan and Sully ; delegates were named and sent 
to treat with Conde. The gravity of the situa- 
tion was appreciated by the leader of the King's 
escort; Louis XIII. traversed France by forced 
marches, and arrived at Bordeaux on the 7th of 
October. There had been no battles ; it seemed 
as if neither side wanted to strike a blow. Bois- 
Dauphin, whose army was much the larger, 
dogged Conde's movements without making an 
attack. The Princes crossed the Loire without 
opposition. On both sides the excesses of the 
soldiery were awful ; much of the destruction was 
of the most wanton kind ; in many instances the 
noses and mouths of the captives were filled with 
gunpowder, which was then lighted, blowing the 



ii4 Regency of Marie de M£dicis 

poor wretches into atoms. The King's merce- 
naries were infinitely better soldiers than those of 
the Princes, and perhaps this is why Louis was 
allowed to march the entire length of France un- 
molested. The marriages took place immedi- 
ately after the royal party arrived in Guyenne, 
the Due de Guise representing the Prince of 
Spain. The next day, the Princess Anne mar- 
ried the French monarch at Burgos. The Duca 
da Lerma represented the bridegroom. 

The Queen-mother's diplomacy was now real- 
ised; the malcontents were deprived of their ex- 
cuse for rebellion, and the King's proximity to 
the Protestant strongholds in Beam and 
Languedoc must have exercised a calming in- 
fluence on the bellicose disposition of the party. 
The war had been a farce. Among the Feudal 
leaders, Conde and de Longueville were really 
the only ones who wanted to fight, and the 
Prince in this, as well as in all the disturbances 
in which he had a part, aimed at his own advance- 
ment, while de Longueville demanded the ejec- 
tion of his rival, the Marshal d'Ancre, from 
Amiens. In spite of all he could do, Conde's 



War and Negotiations 115 

money was running low, and the negotiations 
which he had attempted to open with James I. 
had failed.* It was now in the autumn; the 
troops marched and countermarched over the 
rain-soaked fields, sleeping at night under the 
inclement sky. Such campaigning did not 
please the volatile tempers of the cavaliers who 
had joined the Prince; they shivered, growled, 
and longed for peace. No thought of punish- 
ment was entertained by the government and the 
time was ripe for treating. Under these cir- 
cumstances, the Due de Nevers appeared in Bor- 
deaux. He had not declared for either party, 
though favouring the Princes secretly, and 
from his seemingly neutral standpoint he offered 
his services to open negotiations.f And the real 
struggle, that of diplomacy, began on the 11th 
of January, 1616. Villeroy, whose role the Re- 
gent does not seem to have suspected, was ordered 
to treat with Conde's representative and choose 
a place for the conference. Loudun, which later 

* Mercure Francois, IV. p. 366. 

f De Thou a Boissise. Hist, de J. A. de Thou, XV. p. 
549. Bouchitte, p. 252. Richelieu Memoir es, p. 104. Fon- 
tenay-Mareuil Memoires, p. 101. 



1 1 6 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

was to witness the martyrdom of Urbain Gran- 
dier, was selected. The Huguenots were sum- 
moned, and Conde asked that Edmondes, the 
English Ambassador, should be present also, but 
Villeroy refused this senseless and humiliating 
request. 

Both sides prepared for the struggle. The 
Feudal party, preferring to be on the ground, 
installed itself at Loudun, while the court re- 
mained at Tours. From the outset the battle 
was to decide how far Conde should go in his ex- 
actions ; he was more formidable than ever before, 
because the Gallican party and the Protestant 
leaders had joined his standard, and, on this ac- 
count, the article of the Third Estate concern- 
ing the life of the King came into great prom- 
inence and proved a stumbling-block to the 
speedy conclusion of a treaty. The Queen could 
not give way now any more than at the time of 
the Estates. She stood her ground, yielding on 
points which Conde desired most, until finally 
her tactics weakened the opposition and the arti- 
cle was referred to the King, as it had been in 
the assembly. 



Condd's Aims 117 

The Prince appears to have resolved to obtain 
from the treaty of Loudun what he could not 
get from the deputies of 1614. He insisted on 
reforming the council, revising the finances, 
and hunting down the authors of the death of 
the late King.* He hoped by these measures 
to sweep from his path the Chancellor, Dole, and 
Bullion; also the Dues de Guise and d'Epernon, 
who were popularly believed to be connected in 
some way with Ravaillac. It is clear, also, that 
before the meeting of the Estates General, Conde 
had said that, if the Regency was to be continued, 
he was the only person fit to exercise the power ; 
perhaps he hoped to involve Marie de Medicis 
in the net which was to catch the regicides and 
take the cares of government upon himself. 
With this object in view he formulated two de- 
mands, the first of which practically put the 
Queen's authority in his hands. He was to sign 
all the decrees of the council, none of which were 
to be valid without his seal. Secondly, the Due 
de Longueville obtained the ejection of the 
Marshal d'Ancre from Amiens.f The Regent 

* Bouchitte, pp. 194-214. 

f Richelieu Memoires, 107-108. 



1 1 8 Regency of Marie de Mgdicis 

yielded on both these points by the advice of 
Villeroy, and it was natural that her grief and 
chagrin should recoil upon him. Barbin, the 
arch plotter, made the most of his opportunity ; 
perhaps he suspected the minister of complicity 
with the Princes, and we must acknowledge that 
his conduct had given ample ground for doubt ; 
at all events Barbin was ready and eager to dis- 
miss him and to deal with Conde himself. 

Bassompierre has faithfully reproduced the 
interview at which the Queen decided to grant 
the Prince's demands ; Villeroy's duplicity is 
shown in such a strong light that we had better 
allow the writer to speak to us in his own fashion. 

He had gone early one morning to see the 
Queen, being charged by the cavaliers of her 
army to complain because she did not admit them 
to the council, but preferred men of the robe. 
Bassompierre found the Regent making her 
toilet while talking to Barbin. Marie de Medicis 
had just learned through the secretary, Pont- 
chartrain, that Villeroy had kept back certain 
articles which might break off the negotiations, 
until the time for signing the treaty of peace. 



Barbin's Advice 119 



" She complained that after she had granted 
Monsieur le Prince everything, he had intro- 
duced two new demands, namely, that when he 
was at court he should have the pen . . . and, 
secondly, that their Majesties might be pleased 
to remove the Marshal d'Ancre from Picardy in 
order to keep the peace (this was impossible 
otherwise), seeing the incompatibility which ex- 
isted between him and Monsieur de Longue- 
ville. 

" The Queen knew perfectly well that this bolt 
came from the hand of Monsieur de Villeroy, 
and was intended to harm the Marshal d'Ancre, 
whom he hated. Barbin confirmed this and said 
all he could against Villeroy, who, at that very 
moment, sent in word that he was in the ante- 
chamber and desired an audience. Barbin ad- 
vised the Queen to hear him without any ap- 
parent irritation, and then to ask his advice. 

' ' If he induces you to grant these two last 
demands he will show the double dealing (of 
which he has been guilty), and which he has hid- 
den until now,' said he. ' If, on the other hand, 
as I think likely, he advises you not to grant 



1 20 Regency of Marie de M6dicis 

them you can tell the council later on, most em- 
phatically, that you refuse by the counsel of 
Monsieur de Villeroy. He will not dare to deny 
it, for Your Majesty will call Monsieur de Bas- 
sompierre and me to witness the truth of what 
you say. You will thus turn the dart he has shot 
at you into his own breast and will discredit him 
with his dear friend Monsieur de Bouillon.' 

" The Queen agreed to do as Barbin advised, 
and when Villeroy was ushered into the room her 
face gave no clue to what was going on in her 
heart. * Poor man,' said she, with the kindly 
smile she could assume when she chose, ' what 
trouble you take travelling to and fro so often, 
and it may be to no purpose in the end.' During 
this short speech she had drawn gradually nearer 
the window in which her fellow plotters stood, 
and signing them not to go, she turned sud- 
denly on her companion and said, ' Well, Mon- 
sieur de Villeroy, you have come to bring me my 
desert. The Prince wishes to become Regent 
and wield the pen. Monsieur de Longueville de- 
sires absolute control in Picardy, and demands 
the withdrawal of the Marshal d'Ancre. This 



The Queen and Villeroy 121 

is your message. I know it, for Phelipeaux has 
already warned me.' 

" This attack disconcerted the minister, who 
replied with a few commonplaces, and the Re- 
gent, seeing the advantage she had gained, con- 
tinued : 

" ' What do you think of the situation your- 
self? Ought I to grant this for peace sake, or 
ought I to refuse this impertinent request ? Tell 
me your advice frankly, so that later I may be 
in a position to speak to the council.' 

" Villeroy was very much embarrassed by 
these searching questions, and at first he refused 
to express himself, but the Queen was not to be 
put off by a lot of empty phrases, so she returned 
to the attack. 

" ' No, I want your advice immediately,' she 
cried. 

" When he saw that he could not retreat any 
farther he suddenly threw off the mask and 
promised to speak frankly, if the Queen would 
allow him to go on uninterrupted to the end. 

" ' I always believed, Madam,' he began, 
' that the Prince and his associates were keeping 



122 Regency of Marie de MSdicis 

back something which they meant to propose 
only after all the rest had been agreed upon, to 
place Your Majesty in the dilemma of yielding, 
or, if you refused, of making the people believe 
that you considered your own interests more than 
the good of the state; but I did not suppose 
that you would get off for so little as these last 
two articles, which you already know have been 
proposed to your commissioners, and which I 
bring for your approval. God willing, they will 
not keep us from making a treaty beneficial to 
the country and the King. The first (demand) 
is the pen, which concerns the Prince and appears 
to infringe your authority. The other is prej- 
udicial to the Marshal d'Ancre . . . and is to 
Monsieur de Longueville's advantage. I coun- 
sel Your Majesty to accept this, for you can 
establish (the Marshal d'Ancre) in some other 
province as well, or better, than in Picardy, and 
you will be able to remove those who are not de- 
voted to your interests, and at the same time 
you can give his charge to some other good ser- 
vant who will check Monsieur de Longueville as 
completely as he. The Marshal will be praised 



! 



Villeroy's Duplicity 123 

for having sacrificed his own interests to those 
of peace, and Your Majesty will have shown, at 
very little cost, that your servants and favourites 
are not as dear to you as the repose of the state. 
This is my advice upon this matter. As to the 
right of signing the decrees and the financial re- 
ports which the Prince demands, I advise you, 
Madam, to grant this also, without regret or 
feeling. (I do not think) it can touch you, or, 
if it does, only to your advantage, and this is 
what I base my opinion upon. The Prince will 
either come to court or stay away ; if he remains 
away, he will demand nothing and you will grant 
nothing ; if he comes, and I am prepared to con- 
sider this other dilemma likewise, he will either 
depend entirely upon you and strive to obey and 
carry out all your commands, in which case you 
will gain the advantage of having the First 
Prince of the Blood, a clever man used to busi- 
ness, at your orders as a good friend, not as an 
enemy; or else he will persist in his bad inten- 
tions, will continue his schemes, and will try to 
assail and monopolise your authority. In that 
case you ought not to be afraid to put the pen 



124 Regency of Marie de M^dicis 

in the hand of a man whose arm you might con- 
trol' " 

As Villeroy finished speaking, Bassompierre 
was astonished to see Barbin stride forward and 
seize the Queen's arm, exclaiming, " Madam, 
this is the greatest piece of advice you could get, 
and it is given by the greatest personage you 
could find. Act upon it and seek no other." 
His quick mind and energetic nature had seized 
upon the minister's meaning and had resolved 
to follow it out to the letter. If Conde could 
not be wheedled and cajoled, the restraining hand 
might become the bars and fetters of a dungeon. 
The Queen herself was very much surprised at 
Villeroy's duplicity; ' Veramente, Monsieur de 
Villeroy,' she said, ' you have given me a very 
good piece of advice, like a good servant of the 
King and state. I thank you, and will follow 
it.' "* 

All was now ready for the treaty of peace, 

but during the negotiations Conde had fallen 

dangerously ill, and the commissioners suspended 

their sittings until his recovery; this was de- 

* Bassompierre Memoires, II. pp. 67-71. 



Conclusion of Peace 125 

layed until the spring was nearly over. When 
finally he recovered sufficiently to resume busi- 
ness, the signature of the treaty followed almost 
immediately. On the 3d day of May, 1616, a 
gathering of all parties took place in the Prince's 
apartments. The treaty was read, and Conde, 
who was lying in bed, took the pen to write his 
signature. " Those who love me will follow my 
example," he said ; " those who do not will be 
forced to." He meant by this to impose silence 
upon the murmurs rising on every side; having 
become Regent, he cared little whose interests he 
sacrificed. It was ever thus with Conde ! Catch- 
ing sight of the huguenot d'Aubigne, whose 
dissatisfied mien attracted his eye, he called out, 
" Adieu, d'Aubigne, go to Dognon," — a small 
fortress in the marshes of the Charente which 
d'Aubigne commanded. — " And you to the Bas- 
tille," replied the latter, making his way out.* 
The Prince laughed, but he might have done so 
less heartily had he heard Villeroy's advice to 
the Queen. 

* Histoire des Princes de Conde, Due d'Aumale, III. pp. 
66-67. 



126 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

The court moved to Blois immediately after 
the signature of the treaty, and it was there that 
the first act in the change of the ministry, which 
Concini and his party had contemplated so long, 
took place. The Chancellor yielded his place to 
Du Vair,* the president of the Parliament of 
Provence. The reason why Barbin and his asso- 
ciates chose this man was soon apparent. Du 
Vair had a nephew whom he was trying to push 
into office, and the new Chancellor could be 
counted upon, when the time came, to dismiss 
Villeroy. As soon as the court returned to Paris 
the members of the old cabinet fell, one after 
the other. First Puysieux, then Jeannin, was 
superseded by Barbin in the control of the 
finances. At this appointment Villeroy appears 
to have had the first inkling of what fate was in 
store for him, and retired to his house at Con- 
flans ; Claude Mangot, who had done so much for 
the Marquis d'Ancre in the Maignat case, as- 
sumed the portfolio which Puysieux had sur- 
rendered. 

* D'Estrees' Memoires, 411. Mercure Francois, IV., part 
II. p. 79. 



Villeroy's Fall 127 

The time was now ripe for Villeroy's fall. Du 
Vair, as Barbin had calculated, lent himself 
readily to the task of urging the Queen to dis- 
miss her old servant. The minister retired from 
court, though his enemy allowed him to keep his 
place at the council board. 



CHAPTER VIII 

June to September, 1616 — Delay of the Prince in return- 
ing to Paris — The Queen's desire to have him come 
back — Richelieu's mission — Condi's decision — His in- 
terview with Sully — His arrival — Arrogance of Con- 
cini — Barbin and the Prince — Plot against the Marshal 
d'Ancre — Arrival of the English Ambassador — Condi's 
power — Desire of the Princes to kill Concini — Conde 
advises him to leave Paris — Seizure of Peronne — 
Anger of the Queen — Influence of Richelieu — Inter- 
view between the Regent and Sully — Resolution to 
arrest Conde— The coup d'etat. 

The signature of the Treaty of Loudun made 
the line of demarcation between the opposing 
forces still more distinct. Conde's position was 
something like that held by the Due de Guise at 
the time of the Estates General of Blois. He 
had succeeded in wresting the power from the 
Queen, and perhaps he might have met the same 
fate as his predecessor, had he been living under 
the rule of the other Medicis. He seems to have 
had an idea that his position was not particu- 
larly safe, for he delayed his reappearance in 
Paris week after week. It was impossible for the 
128 



Richelieu and Conde* 129 

new cabinet to judge of its power, or to carry 
out the changes required by the treaty, unless 
the Prince returned to the capital. Du Vair, the 
new Chancellor, was entirely under the control of 
the Due de Bouillon, and kept insisting upon the 
reform of the council, proposing the names of 
many persons whom the Regent could not have 
near her as advisers. The Prince alone could 
stop these intrigues, and the Queen resolved to 
persuade him to return. If his presumption 
forced her to show strength, the ministers were 
entirely prepared to act. The bishop of Lucon 
was sent to Conde. He made short work of the 
Prince's hesitation. The customary bribe was 
bargained for and granted; the Marshal de la 
Chatre, whose presence in Berry seemed to be- 
little Conde's authority, was removed. Lucon 
promised that the Marshal d'Ancre and his wife 
would do all in their power to maintain an under- 
standing with the Queen, and Conde on his side 
approved the choice of Barbin and Mangot, on 
condition that if Villeroy had suffered any 
pecuniary prejudice he should be compensated.* 
* Richelieu Memoires, p, 112. 



130 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

The new government thus secured the recogni- 
tion of its validity, and at the same time the 
Prince announced his satisfaction, but an event 
which is coincident with the bishop's visit seems 
to show that the cabinet did not propose to rely 
absolutely on the Prince's word; the Comte 
d'Auvergne, Montmorency's son-in-law, in whose 
veins the blood of the Valois flowed, was set at 
liberty after twelve years of incarceration.* 
The addition of this person to the ranks of Marie 
de Medicis' supporters was important. 

Conde passed through Sully's province on his 
way. The old Huguenot, whose political eye 
had lost none of its penetration, saw the risk the 
Prince was running, and gave him so dark a pic- 
ture of his future that he nearly lost heart, but 
nevertheless he pressed on and arrived in Paris 
on July 27. The Queen received him well, 
and the people, who hated Concini, were over- 
joyed to see the person upon whom they looked 
as the master of the situation. 

We have now come to the opening of the last 
stage in the remarkable career of the Marshal 
d'Ancre, to the moment when the Feudal lead- 
* ffiroard, II. 199. 



The Picard Incident 131 

ers, seeing in him the true instigator of the 
changes which had taken place in the cabinet, 
and the person who appeared to resist their 
designs, resolved to get rid of him. Concini's 
opportune arrival at the capital on the 26th of 
June had overthrown a scheme proposed by the 
Dues de Bouillon and Mayenne to attack him in 
his stronghold of Lesigny; but even this stroke 
would not have done him so much harm perhaps 
as a broil which followed his arrival. One night, 
the Marshal attempted to enter the Porte de 
Bussy without a passport. A shoemaker named 
Picard, who was captain of the watch, refused to 
open the gate, and the Italian caused him to be 
nearly beaten to death by his lackeys. A tre- 
mendous uproar arose over this affair, and the 
Marshal begot the undying hatred of the popu- 
lace.* 

Concini's alliance with Conde appears to have 
turned his head. He adopted more and more the 
habits of one to the manner born, and showed so 
much contempt for the peers who composed the 

* Bichelieu Memoires, p. 119. D'Estrees' Memoires, 412. 
Mercure Francois, T. IV., part II. pp. 137-139. 



132 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

Prince's party, that the Due de Bouillon com- 
plained to Barbin, who warned the Marshal in 
vain. The cold, impassive Richelieu, who was re- 
cording the course of events, says that the Flor- 
entines were so blinded by success that they could 
not see the plainest facts. They drove every- 
body to despair by refusing to reward the good 
servants of the kingdom, and by recompensing 
those who did not deserve gratifications. They 
were wrong in thinking that Conde's devotion 
could last, and wrong in putting themselves in 
his power. The struggle would soon narrow 
down to a duel between the Prince and the Mar- 
shal, and in that case it was clear on whose side 
the victory would be, unless Concini and his 
friends could persuade the Queen to commit her 
fortune entirely to them and remove Conde 
either by crime or by arrest. 

The first of the two concessions which the 
Queen had granted, to induce the Prince to sign 
the treaty of Loudun, brought events rapidly to 
a climax. The management of affairs fell almost 
entirely to Conde. The Louvre was deserted, 
and his house besieged at all hours by people who 



Plot against Concini 133 

came with decrees for him to sign. His natural 
arrogance asserted itself, and he carried things 
with a high hand, " paying very little attention 
to the advice I had given him, to use moderation 
with the Queen," says the bishop of Lucon.* 
The Prince was entirely under the control of the 
Dues de Guise, de Mayenne, and de Bouillon, who 
kept urging him to demand annoying and per- 
plexing things, and among others to insist upon 
the reconstruction of the council. The clever 
Barbin, morally certain that the Feudal leaders 
would never agree, acquiesced readily in allow- 
ing them to manage this affair themselves. The 
Princes were amazed. " That man," said Bouil- 
lon, when Barbin left the council, " will always 
give us thirty in three cards, but will keep thirty- 
one for himself." Recognising that they were 
overmatched, they resolved to overthrow the new 
cabinet as they had ruined the former one. 
Feudalism has always been brutal, and the quick- 
est way to cut the Gordian knot was to kill Con- 
cini, whose creatures the ministers were supposed 
to be. Secret meetings at the Hotel de Mayenne 
* Richelieu Memoires, p. 115. 



134 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

and at the Due de Bouillon's house marked the 
progress of the conspiracy, but the gatherings 
were not concealed carefully enough to escape 
the keen eyes of Richelieu and his colleagues, 
who began to approach the Due de Guise and de- 
tach him from the cabal.* 

On the 1st of August, James Hay, who be- 
came afterwards the Earl of Carlisle, arrived in 
Paris. His mission was to ask the hand of a 
French princess for the Prince of Wales.f 
Though a diplomat, he entered into alt the in- 
trigues of the court, and his house became the 
centre of the plots against the Marshal d'Ancre. 
One night, Concini and thirty followers appeared 
at the Hotel de Conde. A banquet was being 
given to the English ambassador, and all the 
Feudal party was assembled. The guests were 
eager to kill the Italian there and then, but were 
restrained by the Prince, who was loath to commit 
such an act in his own house, and contrary to his 
pledged word.t 

* Richelieu Memoires, p. 119. 

f Ifatteo Bartolini, August 12, 1616, cited by Zeller in 

Louis XIII., Marie de Medicis, chef du Conseil, pp. 295-296. 

% Bassompierre Memoires, II. 75. D'Estrees' Memoires, 413. 



Seizure of P&ronne 135 

The next day the Marshal d'Ancre sent word 
to Conde to ask him whether he could still count 
on his protection. The message was carried by 
the archbishop of Bourges, who, working hand 
in glove with Barbin and Richelieu, brought 
back an answer so ambiguous that Concini, ter- 
ror-stricken, began to make preparations to leave 
Paris.* Scarcely had he turned his back on the 
capital when the Due de Longueville seized 
Peronne, the only stronghold which the Marshal 
had left in Picardy. 

This was the last straw. The Queen was be- 
side herself; never had her authority received 
such a blow; her servant was dismissed, and the 
Feudal party seemed to triumph. The report 
that the Princes were about to place Conde on the 
throne began to be whispered in the city. The 
Due d'Aumale traces this to an incident which 
occurred at one of the dinners given to Lord 
Hay. The President Le Coigneux, one of the 
most talkative of the Prince's guests, in a mo- 
ment of exaltation stood up and read a parody 

* Bassompiirre Memoires, II. 75-76. Richelieu Memoires, 
pp. 115-116. Hist. <tes Princes de Conde, Due d'Aumale, 
III. 76-77. 



136 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

on some decree which had been signed that morn- 
ing substituting at the end the word " Barra- 
bas," for Barbin. " Errat autem Barrabas 
latro! " shouted Conde. The guests greeted 
this sally with a shout of laughter, and the next 
day the report was current in Paris that they 
had shouted " Barre-a-bas " ; seeing that the 
coat of arms of Conde were the lilies of France 
surmounted by a bar, this was readily misinter- 
preted.* 

The illustrious author of the " History of the 
Condes " implies that this futile excuse was used 
by the government to lay hands on the Prince's 
person, and that the conspiracy was grounded 
more in the fears of the Queen's servants than in 
actual fact, but the despatches of the Florentine 
ambassador give us a picture of the situation, 
and leave no room to doubt the intentions of 
Conde's supporters.f The Prince's indecision 
saved the situation; he spent his time shedding 
tears, and seeking the advice of Barbin, the man 

* Eist. des Princes de Conde, Due d'Aumale, III. 78-79. 

f Matteo Bartolini, September 10, 1616, cited by Zeller 
in Louis XIII., Marie de Medicis, chef du Conseil. Ap- 
pendix, for account of the conspiracy. 



Sully's Advice 137 

of all persons whom he ought to have trusted 
least. 

The Queen had to choose her line of action, 
and she hearkened to Richelieu, who kept urging 
her to arrest her opponent.* The decision was 
reached at the suggestion of the Due de Sully. 
On the 26th of August he demanded an audi- 
ence, to confer upon subjects important to the 
lives of Their Majesties. The ministers, Barbin, 
Mangot, and Richelieu himself, were present. 
The Duke showed Marie de Medicis that it was 
not possible for affairs to remain a week longer 
in their present position. Either the Queen must 
fall or preserve her authority, if she knew how. 
Two such powerful combinations could no longer 
exist, face to face. The nobles and the people 
were favouring the Prince more and more every 
day. The Due de Longueville's seizure of 
Peronne had weakened her authority, which the 
departure of the Marshal d'Ancre had reduced 
to the lowest level. The Prince was all-powerful 
in the council. Sully thought it was his duty to 

* La Vie d'Armand-Je&n, Cardinal Due de Richelieu. 
Le Clerc, I. 16. 



138 Regency of Marie de M^dicis 

warn her, and offered to sacrifice his life if, by 
so doing, he could save her and the state.* He 
then took his leave, but hardly had he crossed the 
door sill when, turning with one foot and half 
his body thrust into the room, he said, " Sire, 
and you, Madam, I implore Your Majesties to 
think well about what I have just said. I have 
cleared my conscience. Would to God that you 
were in the open country, in the middle of twelve 
hundred horsemen. I can see no other way." 

The Queen made up her mind to arrest Conde. 
When once the decision had been reached, Bar- 
bin was not long in finding the instrument. 
Themines, a Gascon, undertook the responsibil- 
ity. The Prince, Mayenne, Vendome, and Bouil- 
lon were nearly caught in the Louvre on the 30th 
of August. Barbin saw the four enter, fol- 
lowed only by their valets, and judged the op- 
portunity a good one to arrest them all at one 
stroke, but the Queen lacked the courage, and 
they went away unmolested.f Everything was 
ready for the next day, however; arms had 

* Richelieu Memoires, p. 119. Bassompierre Memoires, 
II. 78-79. 
f Bassompierre Memoires, II. 84-85. 



Arrest of Conde" 139 

been bought and introduced into the Louvre in 
packages of stuffs for the Queen-mother.* The 
men of the Royal Household had renewed their 
oath of fidelity. Bassompierre, who had been 
making a night of it with Crequy, was waked 
early on the morning of September 1, by an offi- 
cer from the Queen, who called him to the Louvre. 
There he found Marie de Medicis sitting with 
Mangot and Barbin. When the Count entered 
the Regent rose and began to walk up and down 
as if she were labouring under great excitement. 
After a few moments she told Bassompierre that 
her plan was to arrest the Prince and his friends 
when they came to the council. Everything had 
been prepared for flight in case of failure, and 
she desired the Swiss to be ready to escort her to 
Nantes. 

The Prince came at eight, in spite of all the 
warnings he had received. Mayenne sent to beg 
him not to go to the council that day, but 
Thianges, the messenger, did not see him until 
after the meeting broke up. He warned Conde 
as he came out ; the Prince turned pale, but real- 
* Richelieu Memoires, p. 122. 



140 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

ising that it was too late, kept on to the Queen's 
apartment, where the Council of State was gener- 
ally held. He found two guards at the door, 
but. entered, and asked for the King and Queen. 
The King, who was in the room, advanced and 
said : " You won't hunt with me, then ? " Conde 
apologised for refusing, and Louis, saying his 
mother was coming, retired by one door as 
Themines and his assistants entered by the other. 
" Monseigneur, the King has ordered me to seize 
your person ; " those words close Conde's politi- 
cal career during eight long years. He offered 
no resistance and was led to the quarters of the 
Swiss guard, where he asked for a priest, so 
thoroughly sure was he that his last hour was at 
hand. 

The populace stood unmoved, although the 
Prince's mother rode around Paris crying : " To 
arms, good people ! The Marshal d'Ancre has 
assassinated Monsieur le Prince." She succeeded 
in raising a small mob which sacked Concini's 
hotel in the faubourg St. Germain. 



CHAPTER IX 

September, 1616, to April, 1617 — The Feudal party leaves 
the Court — Negotiations — Revolt of Nevers — Resig- 
nation of Du Vair — Appointment of Richelieu — En- 
ergetic measures of the Cabinet — Albert de Luynes — 
His influence on the King — Arrogance of Concini — 
His imprudence — His presentiment of death — His 
recklessness — Luynes' duplicity — Concini's ambition to 
become Constable — He raises troops — His letter to 
the King — Louis' anger — He is persuaded that a plot 
exists against his life — His resolve to kill Concini — 
The plot — The murder — The end of the Regency. 

The arrest of the Feudal chief was followed 
by the flight of his party. Mayenne and Bouil- 
lon started immediately for Soissons, whither 
they were followed by the Due de Guise. His 
support of their cause was only lukewarm, for he 
lost much more in leaving the court than he could 
gain in serving the Princes ; among other things 
he lamented that his prestige as commander of 
the royal army was gone. 

The ministers saw in the Duke the probable 
agent of accommodation, and his subsequent ac- 
141 



142 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

tion shows how keenly they judged the man. 
Three weeks later he reappeared charged with 
the demands of his party ; they were a recapitu- 
lation of the Treaty of Loudun. Mayenne, who 
now assumed the post of leader, demanded that 
two hundred men should be added to each of his 
garrisons, and that the King should pay for his 
soldiers. Vendome requested permission to hold 
the Estates of Brittany. This accommodation 
had been proposed by the Duca da Monteleone, 
and the court made no objection. All seemed to 
be tending smoothly towards an amicable settle- 
ment when the Due de Nevers suddenly assumed 
an offensive attitude. The news of Conde's ar- 
rest reached him on the frontier of his duchy, 
and he sent the King letters on the subj ect, which 
were tantamount to a declaration of war. The 
Queen replied by forbidding him to enter any 
of the fortresses in his province, and the Duke 
sent a courier to Soissons with his adhesion to the 
coalition. 

The Queen did everything in her power to 
calm Nevers' bad temper. The bishop of Lucon 
tried to soothe him with specious words, and the 




CONCINO CONCINI, MARECHAL D'ANCRR. 
From a painting by du Moustier, in the Louvre. 



Du Vair-Barbin Quarrel 143 

ministers seized the opportunity which these 
negotiations gave them to raise troops. The 
Comte d'Auvergne received the command of the 
army which was to operate in Champagne, and 
other soldiers were enrolled, who, under the 
guidance of Praslin, Schomberg, Montigny, and 
Bassompierre, were to march against Soissons. 

During the second week in November the 
Duchess de Nevers appeared before Reims. The 
governor, fearing that she came to carry out a 
plot to seize the town, refused her admittance. 
The Duke retaliated by seizing Siz, a country 
house belonging to La Vieuville,* which he pre- 
tended to confiscate as feudal lord in default for 
men and arms due him since the death of the 
governor's father.f When this subject came be- 
fore the council, the Chancellor thought the 
Parliament should look into it, but Barbin, on the 
contrary, said that, since the feudal seizure had 
been made several days after the occupation of 
Siz, Nevers was entirely wrong, and the affair 

* Charles de la Vieuville, governor of Reims, afterward 
Prime Minister. 

f Mercure Francois, I., IV., part II. pp. 305-309. Riche- 
lieu Memoires, 130. 



144 Regency of Marie de M£dicis 

was not in the Parliament's jurisdiction, but 
ought to be treated by the council. The Duke 
was a rebel, and the minister wished to treat him 
as such. Du Vair refused to coincide with Bar- 
bin's views, and the Queen promptly demanded 
his resignation. Mangot became Chancellor, 
and Richelieu, bishop of Lucon, assumed the 
portfolio of war and of foreign affairs.* 

The Regent was now surrounded by men of 
the firmest character ; the resignation of Du Vair 
had removed the last weak spot, and the cabinet 
faced the Princes with a new strength. They 
resolved to crush the rebels absolutely, and began 
to equip the King's troops with the grim deter- 
mination to overthrow Feudalism once for all. 
Had they been allowed to carry out their pro- 
gramme, France, as Villeroy often said later, 
would have been at peace for one hundred years.f 

But the force which was once more to alter the 
government had already been long at work, in 

* Richelieu Memoires, p. 131. Bassompierre Memoires, 
II. 105. D'Estrees' Memoires, 418. Pontchartrain Memoires, 
377. Mercure Francois, T. IV., part II. p. 309. Brienne 
Memoires, pp. 10-11. 

f Richelieu Memoires, p. 161. 



Luynes 1 45 

the person of a young man whose father had 
come to court as an archer in the guards. Al- 
bert de Luynes had been placed near Louis XIII. 
as royal falconer, by the Marshal d'Ancre, who 
thought that the great difference in their ages 
would render any intimacy unlikely, and that he 
was creating an ally for himself in the King's 
suite. But Concini was patronising his most 
subtle enemy and literally signing his own death- 
warrant. The young King had grown from an 
obedient, unobstrusive little boy, into a silent, 
melancholy young man, capable of great dis- 
simulation and of greater hatred. He saw Con- 
cini assuming more and more every day the 
manners of a tyrant, and he felt neglected, a fact 
out of which Luynes, who had all the instincts 
of a courtier, immediately made capital. Their 
intercourse, which had begun with the ordinary 
relations of master and servant, ripened grad- 
ually into a great friendship. 

As early as 1611 Louis, in his dreams, pro- 
nounced the name of de Luynes. In November, 
1614, he had a quarrel with Souvre because the 
latter had forbidden the falconer to enter the 



146 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

King's bedroom. A lively explanation took 
place in the Queen's apartments, and Luynes re- 
mained master of the situation. Shortly after, 
he was appointed governor of Amboise, and in 
September, 1615, he entertained the King there. 
This was at the time of the expedition to 
Guyenne; Luynes accompanied the King from 
Amboise to Bordeaux, and was the bearer of the 
letter which Louis wrote his wife upon her ar- 
rival in France. From that time on their in- 
tercourse became more intimate. The King was 
either with his favourite, or Luynes with his 
sovereign, and in this increasing familiarity, the 
falconer began to see that great things were not 
impossible for him, so completely was he master 
of the King's spirit. He began by undermining 
the authority of the Queen, dexterously showing 
the son the weak points in his mother's admin- 
istration. 

The Queen, who already feared her son's com- 
panion, tried to ward off these strokes by taking 
the situation by storm. She offered to resign 
her authority, though she knew that the King 
would not take her at her word. She was not 



Luynes' Duplicity 147 

mistaken, for neither Louis nor his falconer was 
yet prepared to assume control. Luynes made 
all sorts of protestations, and the Queen appeared 
satisfied. At the time of Conde's arrest she tried 
to give the King another chance to assume the 
government, but the situation was too embar- 
rassed. The Princes had withdrawn from Paris, 
and Luynes was not bold enough to face the 
coming storm. He begged her to keep her place, 
and followed his prayer with so many protesta- 
tions that the Queen yielded again, but to be sure 
of her ground she boldly reproached him with 
what he had told the King about her administra- 
tion. She said that she was willing to bear the 
brunt of business if the King would only take the 
glory. She was anxious to share her authority 
with her son, and begged him in future to make 
appointments to charges which might fall 
vacant. If he wished to reward Luynes for his 
zeal he had only to command, and the more frank 
he was the more she should believe in his satisfac- 
tion. Luynes, of whose subtle ability no one 
ever dreamed, appeared to be won by these ex- 
pressions of good will,* but in reality his object 
* Richelieu Memoires, p. 111. 



148 Regency of Marie de Me"dicis 

was to lull suspicion until he was ready to mount- 
to power upon the ruin of the Queen's authority. 

The fate of the Marquis d'Ancre seems to have 
willed that he should be charged for crimes of 
which he was not guilty. If the firmness of the 
new cabinet can be called a crime he certainly 
assumed the responsibility ; he became the figure- 
head of the party whose policy was the concen- 
tration of the royal power. Luynes' antagonism 
placed the King on the side of the Feudal 
leaders, in arms around Soissons,but the monarch 
and his vassals had the same object in view, 
though they took different means of obtaining 
their ends. The Queen and Concini, on their 
side, had resolved to get rid of the falconer, but 
the King protected his friend and Luynes main- 
tained his place.* 

Aware of the desperate game he was playing, 
Albert showed the monarch that the kingdom 
was really in the hands of the Marshal d'Ancre 
and his creatures; that they exercised the royal 



* Monteleone to Cirica Archives de Simancas cot A 1A 36 , 
cited by Capefigue in Richelieu-Mazarin, la Fronde, etc., 
II. 288. 



Plot against Concini 149 

power, only the smallest shadow of which re- 
mained to its legitimate possessor. An illness 
which the King had near the 1st of November, 
1616, proved a great help to the favourite's 
malicious schemes. Louis, to all appearances, 
had an epileptic fit and lost consciousness.* All 
sorts of conjectures were formed about this inci- 
dent. Some said that the hardships of the 
journey to Guyenne had been too much for him, 
others attributed it to melancholy and annoy- 
ance. Many were moved by graver doubts, and 
among them was Du Vair, who, speaking to the 
Queen one day, said significantly that he was 
afraid the fit might return in the spring, and 
from this it came about that Marie de Medicis, 
in her conversation with Heroard, the King's 
doctor, referred several times to the subject. 
Luynes seized this opening, and began to suggest 
to the King that there might be a plot against 
his life, which was to be carried out in the 
spring, t Louis, whose melancholy always led 
him to look on the dark side of life, was readily 

* Heroard, II. 203. Pontchartrain Memoires, 373. Fonte- 
nay-Mareuil Memoires, 112. 
\ Richelieu Memoires, p. 133. 



150 Regency of Marie de Mddicis 

persuaded that Concini and Marie de Medicis, in 
order to have the weakness of another minority 
to direct, would not scruple to put him out of 
the way. His imagination was plied with all 
sorts of fears, and the suspicion that Charles IX. 
was poisoned by his own mother added to his 
nightly horrors.* He was shown daily how the 
Princes were persecuted on account of the Mar- 
quis d'Ancre, who, it was generally believed, was 
making war to enrich himself and keep his hold 
on the government. Every report calculated to 
excite Louis was carefully repeated to him; one 
day it was that Themines had been removed from 
the command of the Bastille and had been re- 
placed by one of Concini's creatures; another 
time the report that the Marshal had carried off 
the King was current. Things were gradually 
going from bad to worse, and the Marquis 
d'Ancre seemed to invite the attacks of his ene- 
mies. In spite of his unpopularity he continu- 
ally committed acts of imprudence. In Paris 
no one spoke to the Queen except through him, 
the citizens were closely watched, and no one 
* Bassompierre Memoires, II. 138-139. 



King's Dissimulation 151 

went in or out unnoticed. The suspects were 
clapped into prison without trial.* This savours 
of Richelieu, but Concini shouldered the blame. 

One day in December the King was in the 
long gallery of the Louvre, standing in one of 
the windows overlooking the river. Three at- 
tendants only were with him. Suddenly the 
Marshal d'Ancre entered, followed by over 
a hundred persons, and without going near 
the King, placed himself in another window; 
he knew perfectly well that Louis was there, 
for he had enquired for him in the ante- 
chamber.f The King's heart was filled with dis- 
pleasure, and he went to the Tuileries brooding 
deeply over the insult. Nevertheless his dissim- 
ulation was so perfect that no one suspected what 
was going on, and even the keen penetration of 
Richelieu was at fault when the young monarch, 
a few days later, with seeming eagerness, signed 
the declaration against the rebel dukes.t 

The Marshal d'Ancre also aspired to the 

* Pontchartrain Memoires, p. 380. 
f Heroard, II. 204. 

% Correspondance et papiers d'etat du Cardinal de Riche- 
lieu, d'Avenel, I. 317. 



152 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

Constable's sword, and to show how well qualified 
he was for the office, he offered to serve the King 
for three months with three thousand Liegois, 
as many French troops, and seven hundred horse 
at his own expense.* He went to Normandy to 
oversee the equipment of this force, and one day 
he wrote the King a letter offering to lend the 
soldiers to the monarch, adding that, if every- 
body acted as well as he, the King would be very 
well served. Not content with this piece of 
bravado, he had the letter printed and sent to 
all parts of the Kingdom.f 

When next the Marshal saw the King the 
royal displeasure could no longer be concealed. 
Louis glowered at Concini whenever they met. 
" Alberti, Alberti, my friend," the Italian used 
to say to Luynes, " the King looks at me with a 
furious eye. You will answer to me for it." 
And the falconer remembered his words. t 

The Marshal seems to have had a feeling that 
his ruin was only a question of time, and the 

* Pontchartrain Memoires, p. 382. 
f Mercure Francois, T. IV., part III. pp. 155-156. 
% Memoires de Castelnau, cited by Capeflgue in Richelieu- 
Mazarin, la Fronde, etc., II. 311. 



Arrogance of Concini 153 

death of one of his children awoke all his super- 
stition. He regarded this misfortune as an 
omen, and one day he had a long conversation 
with Bassompierre about the advisability of re- 
tiring while there was still time. He said that 
he himself was only too willing to leave France, 
but that his wife could not be persuaded. A 
long list of portents pointed clearly to his death, 
but the Marquise would not go, in spite of 
prayers and entreaties.* Absolutely convinced 
of the uselessness of trying to retreat, the Mar- 
quis threw caution to the winds and, risking 
everything, began to act with greater arrogance 
than ever. He quartered his troops on the lands 
of his friends, seized the passports which the 
King had given to the Dutch ambassador, and 
acted as if France was his by right instead of by 
chance.f 

One day the King asked for six thousand livres 
to defray some paltry expense. The money 
was refused, owing to the exigencies of the times 
and the cost of the war. While the King, with 

* Bassompierre Memoires, II. 105-110. 
f Avenel Oorrespondance, I. 361. 



154 Regency of Marie de Medicis 

tears in his eyes, was brooding over this new 
insult, the Marshal d'Ancre, surrounded by his 
usual escort, came to find him. Hat in hand he 
apologised because the money could not be got, 
and offered to give it to the King out of his own 
pocket.* Louis's entire nature revolted at the 
insult. 

Concini had likewise begun to quarrel with the 
ministers because Richelieu had refused to be his 
tool.f At another time the favourite sued the 
Due de Montbazon for 50,000 crowns, which the 
latter owed him for the arms and accoutrements 
in the citadel of Amiens. At the instigation of 
the ministers the Queen wrote to forbid the suit. 
The Marshal, who was at Caen, in Normandy, 
came post-haste to Paris on receipt of the letter, 
breathing nothing but vengeance against the 
cabinet and particularly against Barbin, whom 
he thought responsible. " By God, sir," he 
wrote to Richelieu, " I complain of you, you use 
me too badly; you treat for peace without my 

* Pontchartrain Memoires, 383. Richelieu Memoires, 
p. 153. 
f Richelieu Memoires, 151. 



King's Apprehension 155 

knowledge, you influence the Queen to write me 
to drop the suit I have begun against Monsieur 
de Montbazon for her sake. What do all the 
devils, or you, or the Queen think I am going to 
do ! Anger gnaws at my bones."* Such inso- 
lent behaviour gave Luynes every pretext for in- 
citing the King to hate the foreigner who was 
usurping the royal power. Louis was easily per- 
suaded that a plot existed against his life. 
Forged letters from Barbin were shown him, 
which spoke of seizing the royal person. The 
Marshal d'Ancre's sudden return from Nor- 
mandy on account of the Queen's letter seemed 
to him the most ominous occurrence, but when 
the Regent one day gave orders that her light 
horse regiment, which was about to go to Sois- 
sons, was to be kept in Paris, Louis became cer- 
tain that Concini intended to seize him, and he 
resolved to get rid of his enemy. 

It was no easy matter to find a man bold 
enough to undertake the arrest, for Concini never 
moved abroad without a strong following. Spies 
surrounded the King, and his most faithful ser- 

* Richelieu Memoires, p. 152. 



156 Regency of Marie de M6dicis 

vants had long since been removed. In this un- 
certainty Luynes selected the Baron de Vitry, 
who hated Concini, and boasted that he was the 
only person who did not bow to him in the palace. 
He was approached by hints and innuendoes, 
hypothetical cases were put to him : " If the 
King desired your services in a very difficult en- 
terprise, would you obey ? " asked Luynes, 
cautiously feeling his ground. Vitry could not 
imagine a task he would not undertake for his 
sovereign. A meeting was arranged between 
the conspirators. Vitry was astonished to find 
himself allied to five men, three of whom were 
nobles of Luynes's calibre, and the other two, 
Deagent, Barbin's secretary, and the gardener 
of the Tuileries. If the Baron was surprised 
he soon saw that he was dealing with persons 
in authority, when the baton of Marshal of 
France was offered him if he took Concini, dead 
or alive.* From the conversation which ensued 
Vitry gathered that death was the alternative 
preferred, and he made up his mind to it ; he took 

* Relation de la mort clu Marechal d'Ancre. M. etP., 
2 e Seiie, T. V. p. 452. Pontchartrain Memoires, II. 386. 



The Murder 157 



into his confidence men of his own family, who, 
desperate like himself, did not flinch at murder, 
and whose relationship secured their good faith. 

The 20th of April was fixed for the execution 
of the plot, but no opportunity offered and the 
King was unwilling to have his enemy killed in 
his presence. At ten in the morning of the 24th, 
the Marshal left his rooms, which were situated 
on the battlements of the Louvre near the river, 
and came on foot towards the main entrance. 
The doors were thrown open and shut again as 
soon as he had entered, while Vitry, who had 
been warned, advanced to meet him, followed by 
his men, each carrying a loaded pistol under 
his cloak. 

The conspirators passed their man, and Vitry 
was obliged to ask for him. He then walked up 
to the Marshal and, pointing at him with his 
stick, said : " The King has ordered me to seize 
your person." 

" Arrest me? " cried Concini, laying his hand 
on his sword. " Yes, you! " answered Vitry ; but 
his reply was lost in the report of firearms. When 
the smoke cleared away the Marquis d'Ancre lay 



158 Regency of Marie de Me"dicis 

on his left side a corpse.* With him ended the 
reign of Marie de Medicis. Louis XIII., nearly 
wild with excitement, shouted : " Now I am 
King," when he knew that his enemy was no 
more. This exclamation sounded the knell of 
the Regent and her supporters. 

All the old ministers were recalled. Villeroy, 
Sillery, and Jeannin reappeared as if by magic, 
while Barbin, Mangot, and Richelieu were 
blotted out. Peace was made with the Feudal 
lords, who came crowding to Paris to hail Luynes 
as their deliverer. But they found that they 
had a new master. The Due d'Epernon summed 
up the situation in one of those sayings for which 
Frenchmen are famous : " It is still the same 
bottle," he said ; " the cork is the only thing 
which has been changed." 

* Richelieu Memoires, p. 156. Pontchartrain Memoires, 
387. Mercure Frangois, T. IV., part III. pp. 196-199. 



INDEX 



Aix, Archbishop of. One of 
the orators for the clergy, 
96 

Alincourt, Marquis d\ Son- 
in-law of Villeroy ; Gov- 
ernor of Lyons ; schemes 
for control of that city 
lead to Sully's fall, 31 ; his 
relation to the cabinet, 44 

Amadeus, Prince Victor. Son 
of the Due de Savoie ; pro- 
posed as husband for one 
of the Florentine prin- 
cesses, 14 

Amboise. Stronghold on the 
river Loire ; placed as 
guarantee in hands of 
Conde, May, 1613, 75 ; sur- 
rendered to King byConde, 
1614, 85 ; Luynes appoint- 
ed governor ; entertains 
the King, 146 

Amiens. Citadel capital of 
Picardy ; governed by the 
Marquis d'Ancre, 43 ; rash 
act of Concini committed 
there, 45 

Ancre, Marquis d'. Also 
Marshal ; (see Concino- 
Concini), 9 

Anne of Austria. Wife of 
Louis XIII., 114 

Arnault. Member of the 
" conseil du petit escri- 
toire," 9 



Aubigne, d'. Huguenot man 
of letters, repartee to Con- 
de, 125 

Aumale, Due d'. Historian 
of the Condes ; his opinion 
on Conde's position, 135 

Auvergne, Comte d\ Ille- 
gitimate offspring of the 
Valois, imprisoned for 
complicity in Biron's con- 
spiracy, 19; released from 
prison in July, 1616: put 
in command of the King's 
army, 143 

B 

Barbin. A lawyer friend of 
Concini, placed near the 
Regent by his patron, 81 ; 
he sees his opportunity of 
harming Villeroy, 118; his 
eagerness to deal with 
Conde, 118; his part in 
advising the Queen, 119- 
124; his resolve to arrest 
Conde, 124; reason for 
choice of Du Vair, 126; 
supersedes Jeannin, 126 ; 
has Villeroy dismissed, 
126; approved by Conde, 
129; Conde complains of 
Concini ; Barbin warns 
him, 132; diplomacy with 
the Princes, 133; the 
" barre-a-bas " incident, 
135—136 ; Conde asks ad- 



159 



i6o 



Index 



vice of him, 136; inter- 
view with Sully, 137; urges 
Queen to final step, 138; 
considers Nevers a rebel, 
143 ; forged letters bearing 
his signature shown to the 
King, 155 

Barbons, les. The ministers; 
rise of their influence, 44 

Barclay, James. Wrote 
" Power of the Pope over 
the Temporal," 94 

Bartolini, Matteo. Floren- 
tine Ambassador ; his 
opinion on the Moisset 
case, 51 ; his opinion about 
Conde's aspiration, 136 

Bassompierre, Marshal de. 
Also Comte de ; posts 
guards in Paris after the 
murder of Henry IV.; con- 
versation with Sully, 7 ; 
takes part in rejoicings 
over the publication of the 
Spanish marriage contract, 
48 ; conversation with the 
Regent in reference to the 
demandsof Conde, 57;con- 
versation with the Prince, 
62 ; his call on the Regent : 
reproduction by him of her 
talk with Villeroy, 118; his 
astonishment at Barbin's 
behaviour, 124; sent for by 
the Queen before Conde's 
arrest, 139 ; interview with 
theQueen, 139; commands 
royal troops, 143 ; conver- 
sation with Concini, 153 

Bastille. Fortress on the rue 
St. Antoine ; provisioned 
for a siege by Sully, 8 



Beam. County where Henry 
IV. was born, 114 

Beaufort. A financier intro- 
duced into the assembly of 
1614; his proposal, 103 

Bellarmine, Cardinal. Neph- 
ew of the Pope ; wrote two 
books, which precipitated 
controversy with Barclay, 

94 

Bellegarde, Due de. A friend 
and relative of the Guises ; 
Grand Ecuyer de France ; 
quarrel with Concini, 23 ; 
reprimanded by the Queen, 
41 ; accused of sorcery, 50 ; 
exonerated, 51-52; his con- 
nection with death of de 
Luz, 55 

Biron, Marshal, Due de. Ex- 
ecuted by order of Henry 
IV. for conspiracy, 19 

Blaye. Citadel demanded by 
Conde, 29 

Blois. City on the Loire, 
Headquarters of the Court 
in May, 1616, 126 

Bois - Dauphin, Marshal. 
Commanded army operat- 
ing against Conde, 112- 

"3 

Bonzy, Cardinal de. His ap- 
pearance at opening of Es- 
tates General, 87 ; cares 
little for statecraft, 90 

Botti, Matteo, Marquis di 
Campiglia. Heard by the 
Regent concerning mar- 
riage between French and 
Spanish heirs, 13 

Bouillon, Henri de la Tour, 
Due de. His ability ; Riche- 



Index 



161 



lieu's estimate of him ; 
Henry IV. fears him ; 
strength of his position, 18; 
his frivolity keeps him from 
becoming a great leader, 
18 ; his advice to Conde, 
October, 1610, 18; sent as 
an emissary of the gov- 
ernment to Assembly of 
Saumur, 36 ; his advice to 
the Queen ; his desires 
thwarted ; joins Conde, 40 ; 
sells office of King's cham- 
berlain to Concini, 43 ; 
joins plot to ruin the min- 
isters, 50; leaves Paris 
January, 1613, 69 ; treats 
with the Protestants, 70 ; 
Rohan distrusts him, 70 ; 
influence of Montmoren- 
cy's death upon him, 73 ; 
his influence on the war, 
and his turn for peace, 73 ; 
joins Conde at St. Maur, 
108 ; his influence on Du 
Vair, 129; plot to attack 
Concini in Lesigny, 131 ; 
influence on Conde, 133; 
estimate of Barbin, 133; 
plot to kill Concini, 133 ; 
Barbin desires to arrest 
him, 138 ; leaves for Sois- 
sons, 141 
Bourbon. The royal house ; 
jealousy of the family for 
the Guises, 17 ; Louis de 
Bourbon, Comte de Sois- 
sons (see Soissons), 3 ; co- 
alition of the Princes, 19 ; 
broil with the Guises, 24 ; 
the Guises play into the 
hands of the Bourbons 



by the murder of de Luz, 
56 

Bourges, Archbishop. Friend 
of Richelieu and Barbin ; 
carries message to Con- 
cini, 135 

Brussol. Treaty between 
Henry IV. and Charles 
Emanuel of Savoy, 5 ; ab- 
solutely disregarded by the 
Regent, 13 

Bucquoy, Comte de. Span- 
ish envoy interviewed by 
Conde at St. Maur, 12 

Bullion. Member of finan- 
cial administration, named 
as a bad Councillor in 
Conde's manifesto, ill ; 
Conde hopes to sweep him 
from his path, 117 



Calvinists. Their loss in the 
death of Henry IV., 34 ; 
(see Protestants), 3 

Cardenas, Inigo de. Spanish 
Ambassador, member of 
the inner council, 8 ; in- 
forms his King of Sully's 
fall, 32 

Catholic Party. Begins in- 
trigues against Sully ; its 
members, 8-9 ; its plan of 
attack, io-ii ; Villeroy as- 
sumes the leadership, 15 ; 
Concini acts as its agent, 
24; accomplishes dismis- 
sal of Sully, 33 ; its influ- 
ence on the Huguenots, 
35 ; imminence of ruin, 56 ; 
influence on election of 



1 62 



Index 



1614,78; quarrel withThird 
Estate, 94 ; influence on 
the Queen, 98 ; victory over 
the people, 99 ; attitude of 
the Parliament, 106 ; opin- 
ions of leaders of party, 
109; anger of the Protes- 
tants, 113 

Chantilly. Country seat be- 
longing to the Constable 
de Montmorency ; confer- 
ence of the Princes there 
October, 1610, 19 

Charente. River in south- 
west of France, 125 

Charles IX. King of France; 
one of the Valois ; died 
after the massacre of St. 
Bartholomew; supposed to 
have been poisoned by his 
own mother, 150 

Chatellerault. Town in Poi- 
tou, selected for the Prot- 
estant assembly, 35 

Chatillon. One of the Prot- 
estant nobles ; sides with 
the Guises in their quarrel 
with Soissons, 26 

Chatteignerai, de la. One of 
the " tenants " in the tour- 
nament of March, 1612 ; 
one of the Queen's guard, 
48 

Chatre, Marshal de la. Re- 
moved from Berri to please 
Conde, 129 

Clergy. (See Estates Gen- 
eral), 83 

Clermont. City in the Beau- 
voisis, given to Conde, 29 

Coeuvres, Marquis de. Mar- 
shal d'Estrees ; negotiates 



Concini-Soissons marriage, 
49 ; joins plot to ruin the 
ministers, 50 ; delays the 
return of Soissons to Paris, 
53; attacked by the Cheva- 
lier de Guise, 56 ; receives 
the surrender of Vendome, 
78 
Concini, Concino, Marquis 
d'Ancre. Also Marshal ; 
member of inner coun- 
cil, 9 ; marries Leonora 
Galigai' ; great influence 
on the Queen, 9; increas- 
ing good fortune, 10; nego- 
tiates Sully's fall, 23 ; 
carries government of 
Normandy for Soissons, 
24; carries on intrigue 
against Sully, thinking to 
obtain his offices, 24; his 
agreement with Soissons, 
24; settles the Bourbon- 
Guise difficulty, 28 ; his 
predominant position at 
Court, 43; his great wealth; 
buys office of Chamber- 
lain ; made governor of 
Amiens, 43 ; negotiates 
marriage for his son, 44 ; 
his rise at the expense of 
the cabinet, 45 ; begins 
struggle for supremacy, 
45 ; his imprudence at 
Amiens, 45 ; interruption 
of marriage negotiations ; 
his resolve to ruin the Min- 
isters, 46 ; sent to treat 
with Conde at Fontaine- 
bleau, 46; sent to Dreux 
and Valery to treat with 
the Princes, 49; renews 



Index 



163 



project of alliance with 
Soissons, 49 ; joins plot to 
ruin the ministers, 50 ; es- 
tranges the Queen from 
the Guises, 50 ; his con- 
nection with the Moisset 
case, 50-52 ; his influence 
on the death of de Luz, 
55 ; demands interview 
with the Regent, 57 ; re- 
tires to Amiens ; renewal 
of marriage negotiations, 
63 ; loss of the Regent's 
favour, 65 ; his desire to 
command an army, 65 ; ac- 
cused in the Maignat case, 
66 ; appointed Marshal of 
France and Governor of 
Normandy, 68 ; backs 
Chancellor against Ville- 
roy, 71 ; instructed to keep 
the Princes apart, 72 ; ha- 
tred of him influences the 
Princes ; the Due de Bouil- 
lon's estimate, 73 ; fears 
the Due de Guise ; retires 
to Amiens, 77; quarrel 
with the Due de Longue- 
ville, 79-80 ; increased in- 
fluence over the Regent, 
81 ; attacked in Conde's 
manifesto, 11 1 ; his desire 
for military glory, 112; de- 
ceived by" Sillery ; retires 
to Amiens, 1 12 ; De 
Longueville's hatred of 
him, 114; Conde demands 
his ejection from Picardy, 
1 17-1 18-122; forces resig- 
nation of Sillery, 126 ; ha- 
tred of the people for him ; 
plot to attack him ; arrival 



in Paris ; broil at the Porte 
de Bussy, 131 ; his arro- 
gance, 133 ; struggle to be 
between Prince and Mar- 
quis, 133; resolve to kill 
him, 133 ; his visit to 
Conde, 134; Conde warns 
him ; his precipitate de- 
parture, 134-135 ; riot at 
arrest of Conde ; Concini's 
house burned, 140 ; pa- 
tronises de Luynes ; his 
arrogance gives Luynes his 
opportunity, 145; he shoul- 
ders all the blame for the 
government, 148 ; resolves 
to get rid of Luynes, 148 ; 
rendered odious to the 
King by Luynes, 149-150 ; 
his rash actions ; his gov- 
ernment, 150; aspires to 
Constable's sword, 152; 
his bravado ; the King's 
anger ; Concini's presenti- 
ment of death ; wishes to 
leave France ; unwilling- 
ness of the Marquise, 153 ; 
throws caution to the 
winds ; new insult to the 
King ; quarrel with the 
ministers, 154; anger at 
the Queen, 155 ; insults the 
King, 155 ; the plot to kill 
him, 156-157 ; the 24th of 
April ; death of Concini, 
157-158 
Conde, Henri de Bourbon, 
Prince de. Goes into vol- 
untary exile, 11 ; returns 
to Paris ; becomes leader 
of the opposition ; inter- 
views the Comte de Buc 



164 



Index 



quoy, 12 ; his schemes dis- 
avowed by Feria, 14. ; Sully 
buys his friendship, 15 ; 
receives Order of the Holy 
Ghost ; figures at the coro- 
nation as the Due de Bour- 
gogne ; begins to plot 
against the Regent; retires 
to Valery, 17 ; visits the 
Due de Bouillon, 18; Bouil- 
lon advises him to come to 
terms with Soissons, 19; 
sides with Soissons in his 
quarrel with the Guises ; 
overreached by the Queen, 
25 ; anger of Conde, 27 ; 
bribes offered to Conde for 
his consent to Sully's fall ; 
he demands Blaye and 
Chateau Trompette, 29 ; 
advantages gained by Con- 
de, 29; he defies the Queen, 
41 ; he starts for Guyenne, 
42 ; his return expected, 
46 ; the Queen needs his 
good will ; interview of 
Fontainebleau ; retires to 
Valery; his attitude toward 
the Spanish marriages, 47 ; 
approached by the Queen, 
47 ; joins plot to ruin the 
ministers, 50 ; his connec- 
tion with the Moisset case, 
51-52 ; his isolation by the 
death of Soissons, 54; his 
inability to grasp political 
advantages, 56 ; death of 
de Luz ; Conde master of 
the situation ; demands the 
Chateau Trompette ; takes 
Guise under his protection, 
57 ; Regent refuses him an 



audience, 57 ; his conver- 
sation with Bassompierre, 
62 ; goes to Berri, 62 ; his 
displeasure at the Queen's 
actions, 68 : hires merce- 
naries ; writes his manifes- 
to, 72 ; influence of Bouil- 
lon, 73 ; negotiations and 
bribes offered to Conde, 74; 
refuses to return to Paris ; 
his lack of penetration, 74 ; 
plot to seize Poictiers, 75 ; 
his defeat and complaints 
to the Queen, 76 ; his sub- 
mission presented at Blois, 
78 ; he realises he is no 
match for the Queen, 83 ; 
his feigned lack of interest 
in the assembly, 84 ; his 
insignificant part at the 
ceremony of the King's 
majority; resigns Amboise, 
85 ; champions cause of 
the Third Estate, 92 ; his 
influence against the 
Clergy, 98 ; question of the 
Queen's marriage, 99; in- 
crease of his popularity, 
105 ; alliance with the Gal- 
licans ; urges Parliament 
to declare its position ; re- 
tires to St. Maur, 106-107 ; 
Queen plays into his hands, 
108 ; Villeroy joins him, 
110; his demands, no; 
refuses to go to Guyenne, 
in ; receives deputies 
from Nimes, 113 ; operates 
against Bois-Dauphin, 114; 
his desire to go on with 
the war, 114; failure of ne- 
gotiations with James I., 



Index 



165 



115; asks to have Ed- 
mondes included in the 
negotiations, 116; his de- 
mands, 117; the Queen's 
diplomacy, 118; his aims in 
the Treaty of Loudun, 117; 
he desires to be Regent ; 
demands ejection of Con- 
cini from Picardy, 117; 
Barbin's anxiety to deal 
with him, 118; the Queen's 
review of his demands, 
1 1 9-1 20; arrest the last 
resort, 123 ; his illness, 
124; signature of the 
treaty, i?^; Villeroy's ad- 
vice to the Queen, 125 ; 
his position after signature 
of treaty; delays return, 
128; his influence desired 
by the Queen, 129; inter- 
view with Lucon ; decides 
to return ; his visit to Sully; 
arrival in the capital ; ap- 
proves new cabinet, 129- 
130; complains of Concini 
to Barbin, 132 ; idea of his 
arrest or murder, 133 ; he 
controls affairs, 135 ; he is 
loath to kill Concini; warns 
him, 134-135; report that 
he is to be made a King, 
135-136; the " barre-a- 
bas" incident, 136; his 
plans, 137 ; asks advice of 
Barbin, 136 ; his arrest de- 
cided upon, 138 ; the 1st of 
September, 1616; arrest of 
Conde, 140 

Conflans. Villeroy's coun- 
try seat, 1 10 

Conti, Prince de. One of the 



Bourbon family ; figures at 
the coronation as Due de 
Normandie, 17 ; dispute 
over the government of 
Normandy renders him in- 
accessible to negotiations 
from the Princes in Octo- 
ber, 1610, 19 ; rival of Sois- 
sons for government of 
Normandy, 22 ; quarrel 
with Soissons, 25 ; Abbey 
of St. Germain offered to 
the Princess de Conti, 60 

Conti, Marguerite de Lor- 
raine. Princess de. Her in- 
fluence on her husband, 19 

Cotton. Confessor to Marie 
de Medicis ; member of 
the secret council, 9 

Creil. City given to Conde 
as bribe for his agreement 
to the overthrow of Sully, 
29 

Crequy. Afterward Marshal; 
friend of Bassompierre, 

. 139 

D 

Deagent. Barbin's secretary; 
corrupted by Luynes, 156 

Descomans, La. Woman 
who accused the Dues de 
Guise and d'Epernon of 
having conspired with Ra- 
vaillac ; condemned to per- 
petual confinement, 42 

De Thou, Jacques Auguste. 
President of the Parlia- 
ment and friend of Conde 
chosen to treat with the 
Princes, 73 

Dognon. Fortress com- 



1 66 



Index 



manded by d'Aubigne ; sit- 
uated in marshes of the 
Charente, 125 

Dole. Member of the " con- 
seil du petit escritoire," 9 ; 
involved in Maignat case, 
65- ; named as bad council- 
lor by Conde, 111 ; Conde 
hopes to sweep him from 
his path, 117 

Dreux. Town near Paris, 
seat of the Comte de Sois- 
sons, who retired there in 
January, 1612, 48 

Du Perron, Cardinal. Arch- 
bishop of Paris, Grand Al- 
moner of France ; his posi- 
tion as leader of the 
Clergy, 90 ; his speech to 
the Nobles, 97 

Duplessis-Mornay. Elected 
president of the Assembly 
of Saumur, 36 

Duret. The Queen's physi- 
cian ; a member of the in- 
ner council, 9 

Du Vair. President of Par- 
liament, of Provence ; be- 
came Chancellor in place 
of Sillery, May, 1616 ; in- 
fluenced by Bouillon, 129; 
his stand on the Nevers 
case ; his resignation, 144 ; 
opinion about the King's 
illness ; construction put 
upon this, 149 



Edmondes. Representative 
of James I.; Conde asks for 
his presence at Loudun, 
116 



Elbceuf, Due d'. A relative 
of the Guises, 20 

Emanuel, Charles, Due de 
Savoie. Deserted by 
France, 13 

Epernon, Due d'. Becomes 
the Queen's adviser ; sta- 
tions guards about Paris, 
and harangues Parliament 
at time of Henry IV.'s mur- 
der, 6 ; member of inner 
council, 9; his connection 
with the Guises, 20 ; op- 
poses Soissons in suit for 
Mile, de Montpensier, 21 ; 
accused by La Descomans, 
42; won over to the Queen's 
cause after death of de Luz, 
61; thinks Parliament's ac- 
tion insolent, 109; Conde 
hopes to sweep him from 
his path, 117 

Estates General of 1614. 
Change in the place and 
the date for the Assembly, 
83 ; opening proclamation, 
October 20, 1614, 85 ; real 
opening, October 26, 85 ; 
procession of the Orders, 
86 ; the opening scene, 88 ; 
speeches of the Orders, 89; 
Clergy most favourable to 
the Crown, 89 ; tension be- 
tween Nobles and Third 
Estate, 90 ; Nobles ex- 
cluded from offices held 
by Third Estate, 90; feel- 
ing among the Nobles, 91 ; 
the Nobles propose toabol- 
ish the yearly payment, 

91 ; quarrel with the Third 
Estate over the pensions, 

92 ; interference of the 



Index 



167 



council, 92 ; Third Estate 
assistedbyConde,92; quar- 
rel between Third Estate 
and the Clergy, 92; adop- 
tion of basis for pamph- 
let of the Third Estate, 
95 ; article concerning life 
of the King, 95 ; emotion 
of the Clergy, 95 ; Arch- 
bishop of Aix sent to the 
Third Estate, 96; Mont- 
pellier sent to the Third 
Estate ; his success, 96- 
97 ; Du Perron appears be- 
fore the Nobles, 97 ; the 
position of the Clergy; the 
Nobles refuse to interfere ; 
entry of Parliament into 
the discussion, 97 ; Clergy 
resent this, 98 ; threaten to 
withdraw, 98 ; suspend 
work, 98 ; Third Estate 
worries the Court ; repri- 
manded by the Chancellor, 
99 ; suppression of the 
Article ; indignation of the 
deputies, 99-100 ; impossi- 
bility of agreement be- 
tween the Orders, ior ; the 
auditing chamber ; refusal 
of the Queen ; Nobles sus- 
pend work ; the Queen ap- 
pears toyield, 102; auditing 
the accounts ; Beaufort ; 
fresh quarrel of the Orders, 
103; closing of the Estates, 
103 ; inability of orders 
to agree on a programme, 
104 



Feria, Due de. Spanish Am- 



bassador ; arrives in Paris 
and disavows Conde, 14 

Fervaques, Marshal de. 
Commander of Quille- 
bceuf; died November, 
1613, 67 

Feudal Party. Its formation, 
12 ; Philip III. disavows 
the Feudal chiefs, 17 ; its 
connection with the fall of 
Sully, 28 ; proposed revolt 
of the party, 35 ; time set 
for action against the min- 
isters, 53 ; withdrawal of 
the party from Paris, 62 ; 
rout of the Feudal leaders, 
66 ; the revolt ; party con- 
trols the northeast of 
France, 69 ; opposition of 
the masses, 75; idea of con- 
trolling the Estates Gen- 
eral, 84; hatred of Concini 
made the keynote in policy 
of the party, 112 ; negotia- 
tions of Loudun, 116; 
murder of Concini decided 
upon, 131 ; his flight, 131 ; 
apparent triumph of Feu- 
dalism, 135 ; arrest of 
Conde and flight of the 
party, 141 ; Relation of 
the King and the nobles, 
148 ; death of Concini and 
peace with the King, 157 



Galigai, Leonora. Wife of 
Concini, 9; Regent's foster 
sister ; her unusual influ- 
ence over the Queen ; 
Henry IV. hates her, 9-10 

Gallican, or National Party. 



i68 



Index 



Its birth, 93 ; stand made 
against regicide, 95; Queen 
cannot allow it to raise its 
standard in France, 98 ; 
exasperation of the party, 
log ; alliance with Conde 
makes him more redoubt- 
able, 116 

Grandier, Urbain. Of Lou- 
dun; burned for witchcraft, 
116 

Grenoble. Seat of Lesdi- 
guieres ; Assembly of; 
moves to Nimes, 109-110 

Guise, the family. House of 
Lorraine ; jealous beha- 
viour at the coronation, 17; 
won by the Montpensier 
marriage, 20 ; allies and 
friends of ; dislike for the 
Bourbons, 20; quarrel with 
Soissons, 25 ; they refuse 
to apologise, and threaten 
to withdraw from court, 
27 ; effect of Sully's fall on, 
41 ; their hatred of the 
Baron de Luz, 54 

Guise, Due Charles de. Be- 
comes the Queen's adviser 
at the death of her hus- 
band ; assists the Due 
d'Epernon in posting 
guards around Paris and 
in establishing the Regen- 
cy, 6 ; befriends the Due 
de Sully, who pays his ar- 
rears in his pension, 15 ; 
desires to marry Mme. de 
Montpensier, 20 ; his oppo- 
sition to Soissons ; chosen 
umpire between Soissons 
and Conti ; his misgivings ; 
quarrel with Soissons, 25 ; 



accused of conspiracy, 42 ; 
takes part in rejoicings at- 
tending the publication of 
the Spanish marriage con- 
tracts, 48 ; estranged from 
the Queen by Concini, re- 
tires to Provence, 50 ; the 
Moisset case and resolve to 
have revenge, 52 ; places 
himself under Conde's pro- 
tection, 56 ; his support 
bargained for by the Re- 
gent, 59-60; supports Vil- 
leroy against the Chancel- 
lor, 71; thinks Parliament's 
action insolent, 109; mar- 
ried to Elizabeth of France 
as proxy, 1 14; Conde hopes 
to sweep him from his 
path, 117; influence on 
Conde, 133 ; approached 
by the Cabinet, 134 ; leaves 
for Soissons ; lukewarm in 
support of the Princes ; 
approached by the Minis- 
ters ; return to Paris, 141 
Guise, Chevalier de. A 
younger brother of the Due 
Charles ; attack on the 
Baron de Luz, 54; attacks 
the Marquis de Coeuvres, 
56 ; dangerous position 
after the murder; offered 
the office of lieutenant- 
general of Provence, 60 
Guise, Due Henri de, " le 
Balafre." Father of the 
Due Charles ; murdered 
by order of Henry III. at 
Blois, 6 
Guyenne, province of. In 
southwestern part of 
France, under the govern- 



Index 



169 



ment of Conde; he retired 
there during the Assem- 
bly of Saumur, 41 

H 
Hay, James, Earl of Carlisle. 
English Ambassador ; ac- 
tive in plots against Con- 
cini, 134 

Henry III., King of France. 
Last of the Valois ; mur- 
dered by Jacques Clement 
at St. Cloud ; ordered the 
murder of Henri, Due de 
Guise, at Blois, 6 

Henry IV., King of France 
and Navarre. Murdered 
by Ravaillac ; his intention 
of appointing Marie de 
M£dicis Regent, 3 ; prep- 
arations for war against 
Spain ; secrecy observed 
by him ; effect on the pop- 
ulace; stabbed by a fanatic, 
5 ; destined Mile, de Mont- 
pensier for the Due d'Or- 
leans, 21 ; interpretation of 
Edict of Nantes, 34 ; in- 
ventor of " la Paulette," 90 

Heroard. The King's phy- 
sician, 149 

Holy Ghost, Order of the. 
Founded by Henry III.; 
decoration offered to Con- 
d6, October, 1610; refused 
by the Cardinal de Joy- 
euse, 17 

Huguenots. (See Protes- 
tants), 3 

J 
James I. of England and VI. 
of Scotland. Approached 



by Conde with offers of 
alliance ; failure of the 
scheme, 115 
Jeannin, Pierre. One of the 
presidents of the Parlia- 
ment ; member of the Re- 
gent's cabinet, 4 ; member 
of inner council, 9 ; his po- 
sition in the cabinet, 44 ; 
announces the granting of 
an auditing chamber, Jan- 
uary 20, 161 5, 102; super- 
seded by Barbin, 126 

Joinville, Prince de. Took 
part in the tournament, 
March, 1612, 48 

Joyeuse, Cardinal de. One 
of the Guise faction ; re- 
fused Order of the Holy 
Ghost because Conde re- 
ceived it before him, 17 ; 
his relation to the Guises, 
21 ; opposes Soissons' suit 
for Mile, de Montpensier, 
21 ; cares little for state- 
craft, 90 

Juliers. City in Germany, 
besieged by the Protestant 
Princes in 1610, 10 



Languedoc. Southern part 
of France, 114 

Laon. Town in northeast of 
France, held by the Feu- 
dal leaders, 69 

La Trie, de. Conde's agent 
in Poictiers, 76 

La Vieuville, Charles de. 
Governor of Reims, 143 

League, Associationsof cities. 
Founded for the object 
of preventing Protestant 



170 



Index 



succession to the throne 
of France, 1; the King 
makes no allowance for 
fanaticism of its par- 
tisans, 5 ; influence on 
the people of Louis XIII., 

75 

Le Coigneux. One of the 
Parliament ; supporter of 
Conde ; the " barre-a-bas " 
incident, 135 

LeGay. One of Conde's sup- 
porters ; president of the 
Parliament ; arrested and 
carried to Guyenne, 113 

Lerma, Duca da. Prime 
Minister of Philip III.; 
acted as proxy for Louis 
XIII., 114 

Lesdiguieres, Marshal de ; 
also Due. Army disband- 
ed, 14 ; joins plot to over- 
throw the ministers, 50; 
money sent him to keep 
Huguenots in check, 71 ; 
watches Protestants at 
Grenoble ; they withdraw 
to Nimes, 113 

Lesigny. A stronghold be- 
longing to Concini, 131 

Longueville, Ducde. An ille- 
gitimate descendant of 
Dunois ; Feudal leader in 
161 3 ; leaves Paris with his 
party, 69; returns and sees 
the Queen, 74 ; quarrel 
with Concini, 79 ; chal- 
lenges the Marquis d'An- 
cre, 80; hatred for Marshal 
d'Ancre; joins Conde, 108; 
desires to go to war ; to 
eject Concini from Picar- 
dy, 114; Conde demands 



this, 117-118; seizure of 
Peronne, 135 

Lorraine, House of. (See 
Guise), 17 

Loudun. City in Poitou ; 
Treaty signed here May 3, 
1 61 6; chosen for confer- 
ence, 116; effect of the 
Treaty, 128 

Louis XIII., King of France 
and Navarre. Lit de Jus- 
tice; journey to Reims, Oc- 
tober, 1610, 16; journey to 
Poictiers, 77 ; implores his 
mother to govern for him, 
84 ; takes Amboise, which 
is surrendered by Conde, 
85 ; his appearance in pro- 
cession of the Orders, 87 ; 
address to the deputies, 
88 ; orders them to dis- 
solve, 103 ; re-establishes 
" la Paulette," 106 ; orders 
remonstrances of Parlia- 
ment erased, 109; march 
across France and mar- 
riage at Bordeaux, 113; 
Article of Third Estate re- 
ferred to him, 1 16 ; his dis- 
simulation on day Conde 
was arrested, 140 ; his 
change of character; quar- 
rel with Souvre about 
Luynes ; his fondness for 
Luynes, 145 ; sides with 
the Nobles ; protects 
Luynes ; his illness, 148 ; 
his imagination plied with 
all sorts of fears, 149 ; in- 
sults of Concini, 151; his 
anger, 152; new insult by 
Concini, 153; resolves to 
kill him, 155 



Index 



171 



Lucon, Armand du Plessis 
de Richelieu, Bishop of. 
Friend of Concini, who 
places him near the Re- 
gent, 81 ; sent to Conde; 
success of his arguments, 
129-130; estimate of Con- 
cini, 132 ; Concini pays no 
attention to his advice, 
J 33 ! negotiations with the 
Due de Guise, 134; urges 
the Queen to arrest Conde, 
137 ; interview with Sully, 
137; tries to pacify Nevers, 
143 ; becomes Secretary of 
War and of Foreign Af- 
fairs, 144; rigourof his gov- 
ernment, 150 ; his penetra- 
tion at fault, 151 ; quarrel 
with Concini, 154; death 
of the Marshal d'Ancre ; 
reinstatement of the old 
ministers, 158 

Luynes, Albert de. Falconer 
to Louis XIII.; patronised 
by Concini ; his ability as 
a courtier, 145 ; entertains 
King at Amboise, 146 ; his 
protestations to the Queen; 
his aspirations, 146; he lulls 
the Queen's suspicions, 
147 ; works on the King's 
fearsand jealousy, I48;sug- 
gests idea of plot tomurder 
the King, 149 ; Luynes 
and Concini, 152; inso- 
lence of Concini his pre- 
text, 154; he shows the 
King forged letters from 
Barbin, 155; approaches 
Vitry, 156 

Luz, Baron de. Attacked 
and killed by the Chevalier 



de Guise, January 5, 1613, 

54-55 
Lyons, Archbishop of. 
Speaks for the Clergy, 89 

M 

Maignat. A spy of the Due 
de Savoie, 65 

Mangot, Claude. Conducted 
trial of Maignat ; placed in 
the Regent's circle by Con- 
cini, 81 ; appointed secre- 
tary in Puysieux's place, 
126 ; approved by Conde, 
129; interview with Sully, 
I 37'< urges arrest of Conde; 
present at final decision, 
is named Chancellor, 144 

Marguerite de Valois. Di- 
vorced wife of Henry IV.; 
her task in winning the 
Due d'Epernon, 61 

Mariana. Spanish monk, 
whose book was burned 
immediately after the 
death of Henry IV., 94 

Mayenne, Due de, Charles. 
Oldest of the Guises; for- 
mer foe of Henry IV., 20 ; 
arranges quarrel between 
Guises and Bourbons, 27 

Mayenne, Due de. Son of 
the former; his connection 
with the death of de Luz, 
55 ; demands an interview 
with the Regent, 57; leaves 
Paris with Feudal party, 
69; returns to Paris, 74; 
presents submission of 
Conde, 78 ; plots to attack 
Concini, 131 ; influence on 
Conde, 133 ; shares in plot 
to kill Concini, 133; his ar- 



172 



Index 



rest aimed at by Barbin, 
138; leaves for Soissons; 
assumes leadership of the 
Princes ; his demands, 142 

Mayenne, Mile. de. Married 
the 'Duca di Sforza, 62 

Medicis, Marie de, Queen 
Regent. Appointed Re- 
gent and crowned at St. 
Denis, 3; antagonism to 
Sully, 6 ; influenced by Le- 
onora Galigai, 9; assumes 
authority in the council, 
11; gives audience to Botti, 
Florentine Ambassador, 
13 ; decides to remove 
Sully, 14; dawn of her 
troubles with Conde\ 17 ; 
refuses to release the 
Comte d'Auvergne, 19; 
needs the support of the 
Guises, 20 ; negotiates 
marriage of Guise, 21 ; de- 
ludes Soissons with hopes 
of the Montpensier mar- 
riage ; arrays him against 
Sully, 22 ; quarrel between 
Conti and Soissons, and 
difficulty of her situation, 
24-26 ; she decides to sat- 
isfy the Guises, 27 ; ar- 
rangement made with 
Soissons and Conde. 28- 
29; her quarrel with Sully, 
30-31 ; she retires Sully, 
purging the council of all 
Huguenot taint, 32 ; au- 
thorises Huguenot as- 
sembly at Chatellerault ; 
changes place to Saumur, 
35; connives to circumvent 
the Assembly, 39 ; repri- 
mands Guise and Belle- 



garde, 41 ; her anger at 
Concini for his action at 
Amiens, 46 ; resolves to 
publish Franco-Spanish 
marriage contracts, 46-47 ; 
sends Soissons to meet 
Conde, 47 ; quarrel with 
Conde and Soissons ; un- 
daunted by bad temper of 
the Princes; opens nego- 
tiations with them, 48 ; her 
anxiety to win them ; her 
procrastinating policy, 49; 
dissatisfaction of Lesdi- 
guieres ; estranged from 
her supporters, 50 ; atti- 
tude on the Moisset case, 
51-52 ; anger at the death 
of de Luz, 56 ; interview 
with the Due de Nevers, 
57 ; effects of this ; conver- 
sation with Bassompierre, 
58 ; her offer to the Due 
de Guise and the Princess 
de Conti, 60; her offer to 
the Chevalier de Guise ; 
rehabilitation of the minis- 
ters, 60 ; her short-sighted 
policy in the last days of 
1613, 67 ; makes Concini 
Marshal, and would have 
given him Quillebceuf, but 
is frustrated by Montba- 
zon, 68; she faces a serious 
crisis ; concessions wrung 
from her by the Due de 
Rohan, 69; he, however, 
refuses to join the conspir- 
ators, 70; her surprise at 
attack on Mezieres, 70-71 ; 
receives letter from Conde, 
and opens negotiations, 
72-73; bribes offered to 



Index 



173 



Conde, 74; Conde's attack 
on Poictiers ; her prompt 
action, 75; she receives the 
Bishop of Poictiers, 78 ; 
complete ascendency of 
Concini, 80; outwits Con- 
de ; too clever to be in- 
duced to put off the As- 
sembly ; the King's major- 
ity ; she is still to govern, 
84; lays down her title of 
Regent ; influence of this 
on her authority, 84 ; her 
appearance in the proces- 
sion of the Orders, 87 ; an- 
nuls edict of the Parlia- 
ment, 93-94; Cardinals 
sent to her, 96 ; her deci- 
sion of quarrel between 
Clergy and the people, 98 ; 
influence of Gallicanism, 
99 ; she is not slow to 
check the Third Estate ; 
satisfaction given the Cler- 
gy, 100; how she quashed 
remonstrance ; her policy 
in dealing with the Estates, 
101; her fear of Conde, 101; 
she yields to the Nobles ; 
influence of her actions on 
the deputies, 101; decrease 
of her popularity, 104 ; 
plays into hands of Conde, 
108 ; arbitrary conduct 
with the Parliament, 108 ; 
anger at the action of 
Parliament, 109 ; sum- 
mons Cond6 to follow 
her to Guyenne, 1 1 1 ; re- 
alisation of her diplomacy, 
114; treating for peace; 
she cannot yield on article 
of the Third Estate ; her 



diplomacy, 116; Conde 
hopes to involve her in the 
prosecution of the regi- 
cides ; yields by the advice 
of Villeroy ; influence of 
this on her regard for him, 
117; learns of his duplic- 
ity, 118; complaints against 
Conde, 118; interview with 
Villeroy, 1 19-124; her sur- 
prise at his duplicity, 124 ; 
the dismissal of the minis- 
ters, 126-127; her desire 
for Conde's return, 129; re- 
leases Comte d'Auvergne, 
130; influence of the treaty 
of Loudun, 132; seizure of 
Peronne, and her anger, 
135 ; listens to Richelieu, 
who urges her to arrest 
Concle, 137 ; decision to ar- 
rest Cond6, 138 ; the istof 
September, 1616 ; arrest of 
Conde, 139-140; forbids 
Nevers to enter any for- 
tress in his duchy, 142 ; de- 
mands resignation of Du 
Vair, 144 ; the strength of 
the new cabinet, 144 ; ap- 
prehension of Luynes, 146; 
suspicions lulled, 147 ; re- 
solve to get rid of Luynes, 
148; conversation with He- 
roard about the King's ill- 
ness, 149; Luynes throws 
suspicion on her, 150 ; for- 
bids Concini to sue Mont- 
bazon, 154; sinister con- 
struction put upon her 
actions, 155; murder of 
Concini, and end of the 
Regency, 157 
Menehould, St. Town in 



174 



Index 



northeast of France where 
treaty was signed, May 15, 
1613, 74 - 

Mezieres. City establishing 
connection in the north- 
east of France, between 
Sedan and Soissons; seized 
by Nevers in 1613, 71-72 

Miron, Robert. Provost of 
the merchants, president 
of the Third Estate; replies 
to the Baron de Pont- 
Saint-Pierre, 89; is assisted 
by Conde in settling dis- 
pute with the Nobles, 92 ; 
reply to Archbishop cf 
Aix, 96 ; becomes the Re- 
gent's tool, 100 

Moisset. A wealthy mer- 
chant, accused of sorcery ; 
50-52 ; connection of his 
trial with the death of de 
Luz, 55 

Montbazon, Due de. His 
qualification for post of 
Marshal ; prevents the 
Queen from giving Quille- 
boeuf to Concini, 68 ; sued 
by Concini, 154 

Montdidier. Town bought 
by the Marquis d'Ancre, 43 

Monteleone, Ducada. Span- 
ish Ambassador ; a friend 
of Richelieu's ; suggested 
an accommodation with 
the Princes, 142 

Montigny, Marshal de. Com- 
mands King's troops, 143 

Montmorency, Constable 
Anne de. Unites Princes 
against the Regent, 19; his 
death in 161 3, 73 

Montpellier, Bishop of. His 



arguments prevail over the 
Third Estate, 96-97 
Montpensier, Mme. de. 
Widow of the Due de 
Montpensier ; married to 
the Due de Guise, 20 ; 
wealth of her family at- 
tracts the Comte de Sois- 
sons, 21 ; influence of the 
Guise-Montpensier match 
on fall of Sully, 24 

N 

Nantes, Edict. Promulgated 
by Henry IV. in favour of 
the Huguenots, 34 

Nantes. Stronghold on the 
southwest coast, 139 

Nevers, Due de. Takes part 
in the tournament held in 
Paris, March, 161 2, 48 ; his 
interview with the Regent, 
57; goes to Italy, 62; leaves 
Paris with the Feudal lead- 
ers, 69 ; attacks Mezieres, 
71-72 ; opens negotiations 
for peace, 1616, 115; re- 
volt of, 142-143; his at- 
tempt to seize Siz, 143 

Nfmes Assembly. (See Gre- 
noble and Lesdiguieres), 
109-110 

Nobles. (See Estates Gen- 
eral), 86 

Normandy. Province bor- 
dering on the Channel ; 
Princes quarrel over it, 19 ; 
Soissons retires to, 47 

Notre Dame de Paris. An- 
cient cathedral in which 
opening ceremony of Es- 
tates General was held, 85 



Index 



175 



Noyon. Town held by Feu- 
dal leaders, January, 161 3, 
69 



Papal Nuncio. Files protest 
against helping the Prot- 
estants, 10 ; threatens to 
leave France, 94 

Parliament. The high court 
of justice, 57 ; action on 
the Moisset case, 52 ; its 
appearance in procession 
of the Orders, 87 ; its feel- 
ing against the Jesuits, 93 ; 
seizes works of Bellar- 
mine, 94; edict annulled 
by the Queen, 94-95; takes 
part in discussion of Arti- 
cle of Third Estate, 98; 
punishment meted out by 
the Queen ; influence of 
this, 100 ; alliance with 
Conde, 106 ; declaration of 
its position, 107 ; treat- 
ment by the Queen ; repri- 
manded by the Queen, 
108-109 ; Conde demands 
that its complaints should 
be heard, no 

Paul V., Pope. Rumours 
that Henry IV. intended to 
attack him, 6 ; silences 
Conde's claim to the 
throne, 99 

Paulette, la. Yearly revenue 
tax invented by Paulet, 90; 
re-established in May, 
1615, 106 

Peronne. Town bought by 
Concini, 43 ; seized by 
Due de Longueville, 135 



Philip III., King of Spain. 
Warns the French cabinet 
of intended rebellion of the 
Princes, 13 ; declares his 
policy, 14 ; desires to have 
Sully tried, 33 

Picard, a shoemaker. Cap- 
tain of the watch at the 
Porte de Bussy, 131 

Pierrefonds. Castle near 
Compeigne ; destroyed by 
Richelieu ; held by Feudal 
leaders in January, 1613, 
69 

Poictiers. Stronghold of 
Poitou, 75 

Pontchartrain, Phelippeaux 
de. Secretary of State ; 
gives account of bribes 
given Conde, 29 ; warns 
the Queen of Villeroy's 
double-dealing, 118 

Pont-Saint-Pierre, Baron de. 
Speaks in behalf of the 
Nobles, 89 

Pope, Paul V. Rumours that 
Henry IV. intended to at- 
tack him, 6; silences Con- 
de's claim to the throne, 

99 

Praslin, Marshal. Com- 
mands King's forces, 143 

Protestants. Sully their 
leader ; prominent in 1610, 
4; oppose Catholic party, 
6 ; reappearance of fac- 
tions, 7 ; fall of Sully, 14, 
26, 30-33 ; loss at death of 
Henry IV.; demand an as- 
sembly, 35 ; distrust of the 
Queen ; division of the 
party, 35-36 ; champion- 
ship of Sully's cause; exac- 



176 



Index 



tions, 38 ; election of depu- 
ties ; separation of the 
Assembly, 39 ; join the 
Feudal party, 50 ; recog- 
nise Rohan for leader, 70 ; 
he. refuses to aid Conde, 
73 ; Assembly at Grenoble, 
109; withdraw to Nimes ; 
treat with Conde, 113 ; ne- 
gotiations of Loudun, 116 

Provence. County in south- 
ern France governed by 
Due de Guise; lieuten- 
ancy offered to the Che- 
valier de Guise, 60 

Provost, of the Merchants. 
(See Miron), 89 

Puysieux. Under-Secretary 
of State ; son-in-law of the 
Chancellor de Sillery ; his 
position in the cabinet, 44 ; 
dismissed from office.. 
May, 1616, 126 

Q 

Quillebceuf. Citadel in Nor- 
mandy ; quarrel between 
the Regent and Soissons 
over this city, 49 ; death of 
Fervaques ; Queen at- 
tempts to place Concini in 
command, 68 

R 

Rapine, Florimond. Author 
of a work on the Estates 
General of 1614, at which 
he was present as a dele- 
gate ; his opinion of the 
opening, 88 ; his opinion of 
the Estates, 104 

Ravaillac. Murderer of 



Henry IV.; confessed his 
motive, 6 ; death of the 
King benefits Concini, 10 ; 
influence of his death on 
the Parliament, 93 ; con- 
nection of Guise and 
d'Epernon with him, 117 

Reims. The chief town of 
Champagne, in which the 
cathedral stands ; all the 
French Kings were crown- 
ed there, 16 

Richelieu. (See Lugon), 81 

Richelieu, Henri, Marquis 
de. One of the Regent's 
intimate friends, 81 

Rochefoucauld, Cardinal de. 
One of Guise's followers ; 
banished from court for 
insubordination ; recalled, 
60 ; position in pageant of 
the Estates, 87 ; cares 
little for statecraft, 90 

Rochefort. Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of Poitou; great 
partisan of Conde, 75 

Rochelle. Town in lower 
Poitou ; important Hu- 
guenot stronghold ; influ- 
ence of meeting of the 
Circle de la Rochelle on 
the Queen, 70 

Rocheposay, Chasteigner de 
la, d'Abain. Bishop of 
Poictiers; influence against 
Conde in 1613, 76 

Rohan, Due de. Son-in-law 
of Sully ; his regiment 
ordered to Paris, 8 ; sides 
with the Guises in quar- 
rel with Soissons, 26; 
goes to Assembly of Sau* 
mur, 36 ; seizes St. Jean 



Index 



177 



d'Angely and joins plot 
to ruin the ministers, 50 ; 
recognised leader of the 
Protestants ; distrusts the 
Due de Bouillon ; his 
keen instinct saves the 
Regent ; his influence on 
the Princes, 69-70 ; his 
keen political vision, 73- 
74; directs assembly of 
Grenoble, 109; favours 
war, 113 

Roye. A town bought by 
Concini, 43 

Rucellai, Abbe de. A Flor- 
entine churchman, one of 
Concini's friends and 
member of the Queen's 
circle, 81 



Saumur, Assembly of. Con- 
vened at Saumur, 35 ; act 
of union, 37 ; demand of, 
38 ; dissolved by the in- 
trigue of the Regent, 39- 
40 

Saumur. Town in western 
centre of France near 
mouth of the Loire ; as- 
sembly of the Huguenots 
was held here, 161 1, 35 

Savoy. State in the north 
of Italy. (See Emanuel, 
Charles), 13 ; War threat- 
ened over Mantuan suc- 
cession, 64-65 

Schomberg, Comte de. 
Commands royal troops, 

143 
Sedan. Principality belong- 
to the Due de Bouillon ; 
held by the Feudal leader 



January, 1613, 69 ; Sedan 
and Soissons connected 
by Mezieres, 71 
Sens. City at which the 
Estates General was call- 
ed to meet, August. 1614, 

83 

Servin, Attorney-General. 
His action concerning 
article of the Third Estate, 
98; summoned by the Re- 
gent ; his powerlessness 
to stop the reform move- 
ment, 108-109 

Sforza, Duca di. Italian po- 
tentate, ruler of Milan ; 
marries Mile, de Mayenne, 
62 

Sillery, Brulart de, Chan- 
cellor of France. Mem- 
ber of the cabinet. 4 ; 
member of secret council, 
9; his importance among 
the ministers, 44 ; incident 
at reading of the Spanish 
marriage contracts, 47 ; 
quarrels with Concini and 
Villeroy, 63 ; his connec- 
tion with Villeroy-Concini 
marriage, 64 ; his speech 
at the opening of the Es- 
tates General, 88 ; he re- 
bukes the Third Estate, 
99 ; named in Conde's 
manifesto as a bad ad- 
viser, in ; his deception 
of Concini, last one of his 
official career, 112 ; Cond6 
hopes to sweep him from 
his path, 117; resigna- 
tion of, 126 

Sillery, Commandeur de, also 
Chevalier de. Brother to 



178 



Index 



the chancellor ; member 
of the inner council, 9; 
Ambassador to Spain ; 
associated in the govern- 
ment with his brother, 45 ; 
his title, 45 ; used as an 
emissary by the Regent, 
60 ; named as a bad coun- 
cillor by Conde, in 

Soissons. City of ; impor- 
tant post held by the 
Feudal party in January, 
161 3, 69; meeting of the 
Princes there, 143 

Soissons, Louis de Bourbon, 
Comte de. Quarrel with 
Henry IV., 3 ; figures as 
Due d'Aquitaine at the 
coronation of Louis XIII., 
17 ; plan to obtain wealth 
of the Montpensiers, 21 ; 
negotiations with him for 
Sully's fall, 22 ; approach- 
ed by Concini ; his obli- 
gation to Concini, Belle- 
garde- Concini quarrel; 
chosen umpire, 22-23 1 
agrees to compel Sully to 
retire, 24 ; quarrel with 
Guise, 25 ; in the settle- 
ment he is overreached by 
the Queen, 27 ; his rea- 
sons for hating Sully, 28 ; 
the Soissons-Concini mar- 
riage ; struggle with the 
Ministry begun, 43-44 ; 
Concini withdraws from 
the match, 46 ; chosen by 
the Queen to interview 
Conde at Fontainebleau ; 
his influence on the Prince; 
withdraws to Normandy ; 
attitude at the reading of 



Spanish marriage con- 
tracts January, 161 1, 46- 
47 ; is won over again by 
the Queen, who dupes him, 
49 ; plot to ruin the min- 
isters, 49-50 ; death of, 

53-54 

Sorbonne, The College of 
France. Part of the Gal- 
lican party, 93-95 

Sourdis, Cardinal de. 
Preaches at the opening 
of the Estates General, 87 

Souvre. Instructor of Louis 
XIII.; his fitness to hold 
rank of Marshal, 68 ; 
King quarrels with him 
about Luynes, 145 

St. Pol, Comte de. Joins 
Conde, 108 

Sully, Maximilien de Be- 
thune, Due de. Friend and 
confidant of Henry IV., 
2 ; member of the Re- 
gent's cabinet, 4 ; be- 
comes antagonistic to the 
Queen, 6 ; his hesitation 
after the death of Henry 
IV.; beginning of his fall, 
8 ; it is decided to re- 
move him, 14; move to 
deprive him of allies, 20 ; 
Soissons arrayed against 
him, 22 ; refuses Soissons 
the government of Nor- 
mandy, 22 ; plan to re- 
move him agreed upon 
between Concini and Sois- 
sons, 24 ; step leading to 
his dismissal, 24 ; sides 
with the Guises against 
Soissons, 26; Soissons' 
hatred of him, 28 ; sees 



Index 



179 



the coming storm ; offers 
to resign ; resolves to 
make a final struggle ; 
quarrel with Villeroy and 
the Queen, 29-31 ; his 
resignation ; the King of 
Spain desires to have him 
tried, 32-33 ; attitude at 
time of Assembly of Sau- 
mur, 35 > goes to Saumur 
and makes statement of 
his grievances, 37 ; the 
Assembly protects him, 
38 ; wheedled by the Re- 
gent, 39 ; his eligibility to 
Marshal's post, 68 ; fa- 
vours war, 113; his inter- 
view with Conde, 130; 
interview with the Queen ; 
his advice, 137 



Themines, Marshal de. Ar- 
rested Conde, 138-140 

Thianges. Mayenne's mes- 
senger to Conde, 139 

Third Estate. (See Estates 
General), 85 

Tours. City in Touraine ; 
headquarters of the Court, 
116 

Trompette, Chateau. Cita- 
del of Bordeaux, demand- 
ed by the Prince de Conde, 

57 

U 

Ultramontane party. A 
branch of the Catholic 
party, 94 

V 

Valery. A country place 
belonging to Conde ; 



Conde goes to see his 
wife there, 18 ; retires to, 

47 

Vendome, Caesar, Due de. 
Illegitimate son of Henry 
IV.; forbidden to hold 
Estates of Brittany, 50 ; 
arrested and confined in 
the Louvre ; escapes, 69 ; 
promises diversion from 
Brittany, 69 ; refuses to 
return to Paris, 74; sur- 
renders to Marquis de 
Cceuvres, 78 ; Barbin de- 
sires to arrest him, 138 ; 
demands permission to 
hold Estates of Brittany, 
142 

Verneuil, Henriette d'En- 
tragues, Marquise de. 
Mistress of Henry IV.; in- 
trigue with Due de Guise, 
21 ; accused of conspiracy 
against Henry IV., 42 

Villeroy, Charles de Neuf- 
ville, Due de. Minister 
of Henry IV.; one of the 
Regent's cabinet, 4 ; mem- 
ber of inner council, 9 ; 
assumes authority in the 
council, 11 ; arranges re- 
moval of Sully, 15-20; 
dupes Concini in intrigue 
leading to fall of Sully, 
23-24 ; quarrel with Sully ; 
accomplishes his ruin, 31- 
33 ; his fear of angering 
the Huguenots by trying 
Sully, 33 ; his importance 
in the cabinet, 44 ; his 
precedence, 44 ; sent to 
treat with Soissons and 
Conde, 49 ; quarrel with 



i8o 



Index 



the Chancellor, 63 ; his 
idea about the Villeroy- 
Concini marriage, 64 ; 
struggle with the Chan- 
cellor, 70 ; advises the 
Queen to go to Poictiers, 
77 ; beginning of his fall, 
82 ; his failing influence, 
109-110; joins Conde, no; 
his enemies named in 
Conde's manifesto as bad 
councillors, in; ordered 
to choose a place for con- 
ferring with the Princes, 
115 ; refuses to allow pres- 
ence of Edmondes, 116; 
advises the Queen to yield 
to Conde's demand ; in- 
fluence of this on him, 
118; Barbin plots his ruin, 
118; his own duplicity 



119; interview with the 
Queen, 120-124; influ- 
ence of his advice on 
Conde's future, 124; Du 
Vair contributes to his 
fall ; his resignation, 126 ; 
Conde bargains to have 
him paid for his offices, 
129; opinion of the new 
cabinet, 144 

Villeroy, Marquis de. 
Grandson of the Minister ; 
proposed for husband to 
Concini's daughter, 44 

Vitry, Nicholas de 1'Hopital, 
Baron de. Approached 
by Luynes ; meeting with 
the conspirators, 156 ; re- 
ward offered him for cap- 
ture of Concini, 156; mur- 
der of Concini, 157-158 



THE END 



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